Chapter 278: Iberian Unification
March 3, 1937.
A month had passed since the outbreak of the Iberian War.
The worsening situation on the front finally made Carmona, the Portuguese dictator who had risen to power through a coup, understand one thing.
Iberian unification was no longer an idea.
It was an unstoppable trend, forcibly dominated by Germany.
Portugal had no choice but to surrender.
Looking at the retreating British Army, Carmona let out a deep sigh.
"Contact Berlin by telegram."
His voice was heavy.
"We did not lose to the Spanish."
"The Germans defeated us."
"We will only accept surrender to the Germans."
The day after the main British forces withdrew, the German Propaganda Ministry officially issued [Several Questions Regarding the Iberian Peninsula].
At the same time, Carmona flew to Berlin and reached a peace agreement with Jörg.
It was a day worth remembering in Europe.
Portugal officially became an autonomous province of Spain.
Spain held de jure sovereignty over Portugal, while Germany dominated the military, economic, and cultural spheres.
Political matters, such as personnel changes, would be decided entirely through Portuguese autonomy.
All colonies were placed under unified German administration.
It could be said that Carmona had secured a relatively complete Portugal at the negotiating table.
However, there would no longer be a Portugal.
Only the Autonomous Province of Portugal.
And there would no longer be a Spain.
Only the United Kingdom of Iberia.
This long-divided land had been forcibly bound together by the adhesive of war.
Of course, some Portuguese officers still chose to continue resisting.
Before the surrender, the vast majority of naval vessels, led by the Portuguese Navy, joined the British Far East Fleet.
Some officers formed a Portuguese government in exile, declaring at the same time that all colonies still belonged to Portugal.
Portugal's interests in East Asia were the first to respond to this call.
March 15th.
The peace treaty was officially signed in Berlin.
At almost the same time, Britain's attempt to seize control of the Middle East failed because of the defeat of the Iberian offensive.
Major media outlets offered various opinions, but the main topic still revolved around Jörg and his Germany.
Some claimed that Spain had been ordered by Germany to attack Portugal from the very beginning.
They argued that Jörg had deliberately laid a trap and waited for the British to fall into it, all for the sake of further eliminating British land forces and preparing for a landing operation.
Others claimed that Jörg actually possessed Spanish royal blood, and that his promotion of Spain's unification of the Iberian Peninsula, along with his tacit approval of José's restoration of the Spanish monarchy, were the best proofs.
These statements were considered relatively rational.
The most radical were Britain's [The Times] and Soviet Russia's [Pravda].
The former fiercely criticized Jörg for instigating Spain's attack and igniting a world war.
The latter harshly condemned Jörg for engaging in monarchical restoration and reversing the course of history.
But no matter what they said, the facts could no longer be changed.
Monarchy, republic, or democracy, all shared one common principle.
Whoever had the largest fist was right.
Strength was the true essence of survival in the dark forest of the world.
This principle was also being applied at Soviet Russia's diplomatic table.
Leningrad in March.
The cold had not yet completely receded.
Residual snow hung from the treetops, and cars moved slowly along the icy roads.
Compared with ten years ago, the city was undoubtedly magnificent. Its urban area had expanded several times over, and everywhere one looked, there were chimneys, red flags, and slogans praising Stalin.
Although relations with Germany remained eased for the moment, political propaganda had already begun.
In illustrated magazines, Berlin was depicted as the new stronghold of the White Guards and the greatest heart of European capital.
Jörg's nickname there was the spokesman of backward monarchy.
In the illustrations, he appeared as a sinister vampire, forming a stark contrast with the brilliant posters of Stalin beside him.
And beneath those posters, vodka in state-owned stores was once again in rare supply.
The foreign trade supermarket next door no longer accepted francs.
Only pounds, dollars, and marks.
Holsti watched all of this through the car window.
The inside of the glass was fogged by his breath, much like the wavering diplomatic relations between Finland and Soviet Russia.
As Finland's Minister of Foreign Affairs, he could no longer remember when Finnish-Soviet relations had begun to sour.
Was it at the start of the Great War?
Was it after Stalin came to power and revoked the autonomy of the Finns in Karelia?
Or was it during the rise of Great Finlandism after the civil war?
He only knew that Germany's rise had increased Soviet Russia's appetite.
It had made Moscow more aggressive and more dangerous.
From the initial easing of relations, to the previous territorial exchange proposals, to the demand that Soviet troops be allowed to enter Finnish territory, and now to the second warning issued to the Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, demanding that Finland immediately sever all ties with Germany.
If this meeting failed, then perhaps war was already hovering on the brink of losing control.
The car came to a steady stop in front of the Leningrad government building.
The guard glanced at the license plate, then raised his hand.
"Stop."
The driver rolled down the window.
"We are from the Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Holsti is in the car for a diplomatic meeting."
The guard tilted his head and glanced toward the back seat.
"I know. Finns."
His tone was indifferent.
"Wait outside. This is Mr. Molotov's order."
"We represent the Finnish government. We are guests."
The driver tried to argue.
"You want us to wait outside? Is this how you Russians treat guests?"
Holsti stopped him.
"Enough."
He looked toward the guard and said calmly, "Please inform us when we may enter."
Inside the diplomatic hall, Molotov was chatting happily with a secret official from Britain.
"So, Mr. Churchill is very interested in Anglo-Soviet cooperation?"
The British diplomat, Charles, nodded.
"That is correct."
"You are a smart man, Mr. Molotov. You should understand Britain's current political demands, or rather, Mr. Churchill's political demands."
"As long as we can counter the Germans, we do not mind gaining another Russian friend."
The corners of Molotov's lips curved slightly upward.
"You are also a smart man, Mr. Charles."
"Then can you guess what we want?"
"Finland."
Charles answered without hesitation.
"Do not worry, Mr. Molotov. We will not support Finland."
"On the contrary, we will actively support you in taking Finland."
"But all of this has one prerequisite."
He looked directly at Molotov.
"Soviet Russia must go to war with Germany."
"Our Western Front is under immense pressure."
"Our coastal forces have to guard against German landing operations every day."
"A series of failures has pushed Mr. Churchill's position as Prime Minister to the verge of collapse."
"If Soviet Russia cannot relieve the pressure, and if the hawkish faction led by Mr. Churchill falls…"
Charles paused slightly.
"In the end, you will be the ones who suffer."
Charles had made things very clear.
But in reality, the pressure Churchill faced was even greater than anyone imagined.
Sending Charles this time was a gamble.
A gamble that a shift on the Soviet Russian side could give the British public hope of victory and thereby preserve Churchill's position as Prime Minister.
Of course, it was also possible that this change would frighten the public instead and cause his removal from office even faster.
A gamble was like a coin with two sides.
Military setbacks inevitably demanded political costs.
"By the way, Mr. Molotov, I also have a small warning for you."
Charles's tone became more deliberate.
"Germany has seized Portugal's interests in East Asia."
"If Germany uses this as a springboard and then uses Mongolia to exert significant military pressure on Soviet Russia…"
He looked at Molotov meaningfully.
"Then I personally suggest that you handle your diplomatic relations with Japan carefully."
"After all, Japan is arguably the only force in East Asia capable of stopping the Germans."
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