Skoropadskyi woke early. Through the hotel window he could see the mist slowly rising above the Danube. Cool air drifted from the river. The city had not yet fully awakened, but the first workers were already appearing along the embankment.
He stood by the window for a while.
The conversation from the officers' club the night before still echoed in his mind.
The Balkans truly were a place where fear and ambition intertwined too tightly.
An hour later he was already at the building of the Russian mission.
The advisor's office was warm. Maps and several folders with documents lay on the table.
The advisor stood up.
—"Glad to see you, Colonel."
—"Good morning."
He gestured toward a chair.
—"I assume you have already reflected on yesterday's news."
Skoropadskyi sat down.
—"The annexation of Bosnia is a serious step."
The advisor nodded.
—"More serious than it may seem at first glance."
He walked to the map of the Balkans.
—"Look."
He pointed at Bosnia.
—"This territory had long been under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. But in reality it was controlled by Austria-Hungary."
Skoropadskyi replied calmly:
—"Now Vienna has simply decided to legalize what already existed."
—"Exactly."
The advisor paused.
—"But the matter is not only about territory."
He ran his hand across the map.
—"Vienna is demonstrating that it is ready to change borders without the consent of the other powers."
Skoropadskyi said:
—"And by doing so it is testing Russia's reaction."
The advisor looked at him carefully.
—"You grasp the essence quickly."
He poured tea.
—"In Saint Petersburg two questions are now being discussed."
—"Which ones?"
—"First: whether we should respond firmly."
—"And the second?"
—"Whether Russia is ready for a major war."
The room fell silent.
Skoropadskyi looked at the map for a moment.
—"And which answer is closer to reality?"
The advisor smiled slightly.
—"You served in the Far East, did you not?"
—"Yes."
—"Then you understand that the country is still recovering after that war."
Skoropadskyi nodded.
—"Yes. That means Russia will not go to war now."
The advisor placed the cup down.
—"Exactly."
He added:
—"But we cannot allow Austria to completely dominate the Balkans."
At that moment a younger diplomat entered the office.
—"Gentlemen, forgive the interruption."
He placed several documents on the table.
—"These are reports about the reaction of the Serbian government."
The advisor quickly scanned the papers.
—"As expected."
He handed one page to Skoropadskyi.
—"Take a look."
Skoropadskyi read several lines.
—"There are demonstrations in Belgrade."
—"Yes."
—"The people demand war."
The younger diplomat said:
—"The problem is that the army is also in a resolute mood."
The advisor slowly nodded.
—"That is far more dangerous."
Skoropadskyi asked:
—"Is Serbia ready for war?"
The young diplomat shrugged.
—"Morally — yes."
—"And in practice?"
—"Much less."
The advisor walked to the window.
—"Serbia is a small country."
He turned back.
—"But it is supported by an idea."
Skoropadskyi said calmly:
—"A national idea is often stronger than an army."
—"Especially in the Balkans."
For a moment the room was silent.
Then the advisor said:
—"This evening there will be a meeting with several representatives of the Serbian government."
He looked at Skoropadskyi.
—"It would be useful for you to attend."
—"With pleasure."
When the meeting ended later that evening, Skoropadskyi left the building together with one of the diplomats from the mission.
Belgrade no longer felt calm.
From the distant streets came the sound of voices.
—"What is happening?" Skoropadskyi asked.
The diplomat listened for a moment.
—"A rally."
They walked several streets and emerged onto a square.
A large crowd had gathered there.
People were holding Serbian flags. Some raised portraits of King Peter. In the center of the square a man stood on a wooden cart and shouted to the crowd.
—"Bosnia is Serbian land!"
The crowd answered with a roar.
—"Serbian!"
Another voice shouted:
—"Austria has stolen our land!"
—"Shame!"
—"Shame!"
Several students were holding banners.
One read:
Bosnia must be free.
Another read:
Serbia will not forget.
Skoropadskyi watched silently for a while.
The crowd was emotional, but not chaotic.
This was not just a protest.
It was a sense of national humiliation.
Several officers of the Serbian army stood nearby. They did not intervene; they simply watched.
Skoropadskyi said quietly:
—"If rallies like this continue, the pressure on the government will become enormous."
The diplomat nodded.
—"That is exactly what we fear."
He looked at the crowd.
—"Sometimes the street pushes a state toward war faster than politics."
The crowd suddenly roared again.
—"Bosnia!"
—"Serbia!"
Flags rose above the crowd.
Skoropadskyi watched the square for several more seconds.
Then he said quietly:
—"In the Balkans, ideas often turn into weapons."
Later that evening, a hall in one of the government buildings was lit by lamps.
Several officials and officers sat at a long table.
The conversation began with formal greetings.
One of the Serbian ministers said:
—"The annexation of Bosnia is a blow to our people."
The Russian advisor replied calmly:
—"Russia understands the feelings of Serbia."
The minister continued:
—"But does Russia understand that this is a question of the future of our entire nation and of all Slavs?"
Another Serbian official said:
—"If Austria strengthens its position in Bosnia, its influence in the Balkans will become decisive."
The Russian diplomat replied:
—"This is well understood in Saint Petersburg."
The minister asked:
—"Then why does Russia not act?"
Silence filled the room.
The advisor answered carefully:
—"Great powers rarely act quickly."
A Serbian officer said:
—"But history rarely waits."
At that moment Skoropadskyi spoke.
—"Sometimes the most dangerous decision is a hasty one."
Everyone looked at him.
—"A war between Serbia and Austria-Hungary will not remain local."
The minister asked:
—"You believe other powers will intervene?"
—"Almost certainly."
He looked at the map on the wall.
—"Germany will support Vienna."
—"Russia will not be able to ignore Serbia."
He paused.
—"Then the war may become a European one."
Silence fell across the room.
A Serbian officer said quietly:
—"Sometimes nations are ready to take the risk."
Skoropadskyi replied:
—"Then they must understand the price."
Later that night he stepped outside again.
Belgrade was lit by scattered lanterns.
Somewhere in the distance the river could be heard.
Skoropadskyi stopped at the edge of the square.
The Balkans were slowly drawing Europe into a new game.
A game in which every power tried to gain time.
But time often became the most dangerous ally of war.