Chapter 280: Strong Pressure
A week later, two German infantry battalions transported by American freighters successfully seized Portugal's concessions in East Asia.
The night attack, combined with reinforcements from within and without, ensured their victory.
In the early hours of morning, the takeover operation was initially completed.
On the shimmering western shore of the Pacific Ocean, the German national flag was raised for the first time, adding a touch of uncertainty to this ancient land.
Britain's reaction was the most intense.
Most of the troops stationed in East Asia were Indian soldiers, and they did not believe they could fight against German troops hardened by war.
The British began using diplomatic means to deny the legitimacy of Germany's claim to Portugal's concessions, demanding that the local Army intervene.
However, the local Army clearly understood who could offer them greater benefits.
Helpless, the British Governor-General of the East Asian concessions could only request troops from the mainland.
The answer was obvious.
Without the Far East Fleet, and with the homeland itself in danger, Churchill had no time to extend a helping hand to this small port city. He could only request intervention from Japanese forces.
But Japan did not want to attack Germany so quickly.
They believed it would disrupt their planned military deployments in July, and therefore remained in a state of diplomatic evasion.
Messages were read.
No replies were sent.
And because American merchant fleets were transporting German troops and weapons, the stationed British Army did not even dare to stop them.
They could only watch helplessly as an entire German expeditionary division landed in the Portuguese concessions.
Then they watched helplessly as the Germans launched their attack.
By mid-March, Germany had acquired both the Portuguese and British concessions.
At the same time, the Cardolan Arms Trade Company signed various mineral cooperation agreements with the local government.
Shipments of arms and medicines arrived at the port.
Gold and ore departed.
The Cardolan Trade Company made enormous profits, and major American shipping companies also benefited handsomely.
Soviet Russia.
Leningrad.
The diplomatic talks that had lasted for several weeks had reached their climax.
Holsti wiped the mist from his glasses.
Sparks flew from the fireplace, and the burning poplar wood crackled, mirroring the tense atmosphere at the negotiation table.
"Mr. Molotov, your demands are far too difficult to accept."
Holsti's voice was restrained, but firm.
"You say we are too close to Leningrad."
"No problem. We are willing to retreat."
"Is voluntarily giving up a thirty-kilometer buffer zone still not enough?"
He supported himself against the edge of the table.
"Do you mean that only the entire Karelian border region can satisfy your appetite?"
Holsti's questioning tone made Molotov frown.
"No, no, you have misunderstood me, Mr. Holsti."
Molotov raised one hand slightly.
"My intention is joint defense, not the direct incorporation of these lands into Soviet Russian territory."
"The Hanko Peninsula is the same. We only want a fifty-year lease."
"You previously refused our joint defense regulations and would not allow our troops to defend against a possible German threat. We understood that."
"Now, however, you do not accept either territorial exchange or territorial lease proposals."
Molotov leaned forward slightly.
"Allow me to ask, what exactly does Finland want?"
Holsti held his cane, unyielding.
"We only want the dignity of an independent nation."
"We only wish to maintain our existing territory."
"That is our entire demand."
He looked straight at Molotov.
"We do not want to side with the Germans."
"Frankly, Mr. Molotov, you are the ones gradually pushing us into a corner and forcing us into Germany's embrace."
Hearing this, Molotov laughed.
"You can also fall into our embrace."
"Soviet Russia accepts a neighbor with a common ideology."
"If the Finnish Communist Party were in power, these treaties would be completely unnecessary."
"You yourselves threw away the chance for reconciliation."
Holsti's face instantly turned cold.
"What ideology Finland has, and what ideology Finland possesses, is chosen by its people."
"Do not think so highly of yourselves, Mr. Molotov."
"You have killed more of your own people than all the Bolsheviks imprisoned in Finland since its independence."
"Even if another vote were held now, I believe the Finnish people would rather pick up rifles than receive Soviet Russian passports that might cost them their lives."
A cold wind slipped through the crack of the window, causing the flames in the fireplace to swell even higher.
As Holsti's words fell, the negotiation table sank into a long silence.
The diplomats present all understood that since last year, three consecutive rounds of secret talks had still failed to produce a peaceful outcome.
After a long pause, Molotov finally spoke.
"Then let us end our discussion here, Mr. Holsti."
"Comrade Stalin said that he should be informed of bad news immediately."
Holsti picked up his briefcase and nodded indifferently.
"Goodbye, Mr. Molotov."
"Finland and Soviet Russia are neighbors, and we also wish to be good neighbors with Soviet Russia."
"But these demands would make Finland a slave to Soviet Russia."
He looked at Molotov one last time.
"If it were you, would you accept?"
After saying this, Holsti led the Finnish diplomats out of the conference room.
Only Molotov remained inside, gazing at the fireplace.
Then he dialed Stalin's direct line.
At this time, Stalin was listening to Khrushchev's report.
He greatly appreciated this capable comrade, who could always strictly execute his orders.
That was a rare and valuable quality within the party.
Just as Khrushchev was about to report on the purges in the Ukraine region, the electric bell rang inside the office.
Stalin picked up the receiver.
His eyes suddenly became serious.
"I understand, Comrade Molotov."
"Now I will have to trouble you to go to the Far East and meet with the Japanese."
"If war breaks out, we need a peaceful environment in the Far East."
Sensing the change in mood, Khrushchev rose to leave.
But after taking only a few steps, he was called back by Stalin, who had already put down the receiver.
"Come here, Comrade Khrushchev."
Stalin's voice was calm.
"You are a great contributor to the construction of Soviet Russia."
"Is there any intelligence a contributor cannot hear?"
After saying this, Stalin dialed the General Staff.
"Connect me to Comrade Boris Mikhailovich, Chief of the General Staff."
A moment later, the call connected.
"Boris?"
Stalin's tone was direct.
"What are your thoughts on attacking Finland?"
Boris held the receiver in one hand, while with the other he carefully examined an aerial view of the Mannerheim Line.
"It will be a tough battle, Comrade Stalin."
"Over the past few years, Finland has invested a great deal of manpower and resources into the border. They have constructed defensive facilities capable of effectively resisting our offensive."
"Tough battle?"
Stalin disliked this term.
Khrushchev, who was particularly adept at reading others' emotions, noticed the slight frown on Stalin's brow and quickly chimed in.
"Comrade Stalin, from my personal perspective, as long as we raise our voices a little, the Finns will obey."
"If that does not work, we can fire one shot, and the Finns will surrender."
"We have many supporters in Finland. As soon as we attack, Finland will immediately fall into civil strife."
"Do not be fooled by their German aid."
"Even the strongest bunker, if plagued by civil strife, is nothing more than a sandcastle built from gravel."
"A light roll of a tank will turn it into scattered sand."
"Furthermore, we have British support. The Germans will not be able to interfere easily."
Khrushchev's dismissive tone greatly pleased Stalin.
His own idea was also to end the Finnish campaign quickly, relying on cooperation from the Finnish Communist Party inside and outside the country to complete the conquest of Finland as soon as possible.
At most, it should take no more than a month.
That way, even if the Germans interfered, they would not have enough time.
Boris clearly did not possess Khrushchev's talent for flattery.
His voice of denial came through the receiver once again.
"Even if we deploy more than five hundred thousand troops for a large-scale offensive, it will still require several months, perhaps even longer."
"It is already mid-March."
"The Ukraine defense forces cannot be moved."
"We can only draw troops from the Moscow Front and the Leningrad Front to participate."
"Combined with material preparation, it will take at least four to five months to prepare."
Stalin shook his head.
"Four to five months?"
"That is far too long."
"How could material reserves possibly require that much time?"
Boris explained, "Comrade Stalin, I have another question."
"Are we only facing Finland?"
"If not, then we must consider Germany and other European countries."
"The Finns are very adept at winter warfare, and their winter comes quickly."
"Even if we attack in June, breaking through the Mannerheim Line within three months would still give Germany and other European countries enough time to dispatch troops."
"The war would inevitably be delayed further."
"By October, Finland will be covered in ice and snow."
"Stockpiling cold-weather supplies in advance will give us an advantage in a prolonged war."
....
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