Chapter 159: The Frustrated
Buckingham Palace.
Prime Minister Baldwin sat at the head of the long conference table, surrounded by senior military officers, cabinet ministers, colonial administrators, and political heavyweights from both houses of Parliament.
One secretary after another entered the room in haste, placing urgent confidential telegrams before the attendees.
Almost every telegram came from the Middle East.
In only one week, nearly the entire region had erupted at the same time.
Saudi Arabia and Iraq had issued public statements supporting the Jordanian rebels, declaring that they would fight to the end against the Jewish forces invading the Middle East.
Iran, already restless, also took this opportunity to increase pressure on Britain.
This was not a small matter.
Most of Britain's oil supply came from Iraq and Iran. If those two countries broke away, Britain would not merely lose face. It would lose the oil lifeline that sustained its industry, navy, and empire.
The other reports came from France.
The ethnic conflict had spread into French colonial territory as well. Syria, Lebanon, and several other French controlled regions had also fallen into large scale rebellion. Paris had sent telegrams requesting assistance from the British Middle East Army, asking Britain to provide military support and suppress the wave of unrest now sweeping across the entire region.
Baldwin lowered the telegram in his hand.
"Gentlemen, let us discuss how the Middle East problem should be resolved."
His eyes swept across the room.
"Do we take one step back, or one step forward?"
No one answered.
The room fell into a heavy silence. Ministers lowered their heads. Officers stared at the table. Even the habitual coughs and shuffling papers seemed to disappear.
Baldwin's gaze finally shifted toward Churchill, whom he had recently pulled back from political obscurity.
Churchill sat there with a pipe in his mouth, a half finished piece of knitting in his hands. Feeling Baldwin's stare, he looked up and, as always, stated his position without hesitation.
"Of course we fight."
He set down the knitting needles and spoke with a hard voice.
"I opposed giving up control over Saudi Arabia and Iraq from the beginning. The current situation proves my judgment beyond doubt."
"Weakness will only make the colonies believe that Britain has lost her will. If we negotiate now, those Arabs will only become more reckless, more arrogant, until we lose all influence in the Middle East."
Chamberlain shook his head. He took an economic survey from his briefcase and placed it before Baldwin.
"Mr. Prime Minister, I must remind everyone present that the domestic economy is extremely unstable. A war, even a colonial war, could very easily cause an already fragile economy to collapse."
His tone remained measured and calm.
"I believe only limited military action is acceptable. A full campaign means casualties. Casualties mean public anger."
Churchill slammed his pipe onto the table.
"The economy, the economy, always the economy. Do you know nothing else?"
His voice filled the room.
"Can military factories not operate? Can they not employ a large number of the unemployed? Death is normal in war. But if Britain retreats merely because she fears casualties, we will lose not only the Middle East, but the enormous market behind it."
Several politicians aligned with Chamberlain immediately retorted.
"Are you planning to turn Britain into a military state, Mr. Churchill?"
"The public will not calmly watch their sons die in the deserts of the Middle East."
"Peace remains the main theme of this era."
Churchill had spent years outside the political center. In terms of parliamentary influence, he naturally could not compare with Chamberlain, the rising star of British politics.
He crossed his arms, said nothing more, and merely drew hard on his pipe.
Only a few officers, eager to win merit on the Middle Eastern battlefield, spoke in his support.
"Mr. Churchill's words are not without reason. If we do not send the Army to suppress this rebellion, how will the other colonies see it?"
"Will they also demand independence? Will they also demand more autonomy?"
"This is unacceptable to Britain."
Two opposing attitudes collided in the conference room.
Then, as if by silent agreement, everyone looked back toward Baldwin.
Baldwin remained deep in thought for a long moment.
At last, his gaze shifted toward Churchill.
"I agree with Mr. Churchill."
A faint flash of surprise passed through Churchill's eyes.
Baldwin continued, "How many troops can the military raise?"
Churchill immediately answered, "Five divisions will be enough."
He leaned forward, his confidence rising.
"Do not worry, Mr. Prime Minister. The Arab armies are nothing worth fearing. Their military thinking is still trapped between horseback charges and curved blades. Give me a few months, and we can fight from Saudi Arabia to Iraq."
His eyes sharpened.
"We will take back what we lost."
Baldwin nodded.
"Inform the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and request joint action."
He looked toward the officers.
"This meeting ends here. By tomorrow morning, I want a detailed operational plan on my desk. Preferably one that can resolve the Middle East issue within two months."
With the Prime Minister's decision made, the moderate faction led by Chamberlain could say nothing more.
The words of dissuasion and concern were swallowed back down.
They rose one after another, shook their heads, and left the conference room.
Only Chamberlain remained.
He stared at Baldwin with a puzzled expression.
"Mr. Prime Minister, I do not understand why you would agree with that madman Churchill. Given our current economic condition, we should not waste valuable resources in the Middle East."
Baldwin shook his head.
"You do not understand, Chamberlain."
He leaned back in his chair, his voice quieter than before.
"India recently experienced a nonviolent noncooperation movement. We, and many politicians in both houses of Parliament, generally believe that partial independence for India is already inevitable."
Chamberlain frowned slightly.
He still did not understand what connection India had with the Middle East.
Since Britain was gradually losing direct control over the colonies, should they not retreat half a step in exchange for economic stability? Would sending troops now not be an even greater mistake?
Seeing his confusion, Baldwin explained patiently.
"How to negotiate, and how much autonomy to grant, cannot be determined by words alone."
He tapped the telegram on the table.
"The world is watching how we handle the Middle East. If we retreat here, we will be forced to retreat elsewhere. Every colony will assume that Britain has lost her military advantage. That would create a devastating chain reaction."
"The French will think us weak and powerless, and they will try to seize their own share without restraint. Other colonies will demand more. Then we will lose the internal markets of the empire, and that will worsen the economic crisis."
His voice grew heavier.
"That is unacceptable to the government. Therefore, this war must be fought. More importantly, it must be fought quickly. We cannot allow it to drag on. Neither the treasury nor public opinion can bear that cost."
Although Chamberlain did not fully agree with Baldwin's view, he still nodded.
He understood that Baldwin had deliberately kept him behind to explain this matter. That meant the Prime Minister treated him as someone worth cultivating, someone who belonged inside the circle of true decision makers.
That attitude alone made it impossible for him to refute Baldwin, whether emotionally or politically.
"Very well, Mr. Prime Minister. I will speak with the French and hear their thoughts."
Meanwhile, at the Élysée Palace in France, both the Middle East operational plan and the proposal to increase investment in the Maginot Line were approved.
Unlike Britain's quarrelsome debate, the French resolutions passed quickly.
Only one man was unhappy.
Charles de Gaulle.
His proposal to increase the budget for armored forces had failed again.
Looking at the old fossils still obsessed with trench warfare, artillery supremacy, and static defense, de Gaulle felt a deep helplessness rising in his chest.
Almost no one in the French Army truly cared how Germany had reached Warsaw.
They simply attributed Germany's victory to a successful surprise attack and Poland's lack of preparation.
But de Gaulle knew better.
That nearly forgotten military conflict had been Germany's first demonstration of large scale mobile warfare. It was the clearest proof that armored mobility was the trend of the future.
Unfortunately, his authority was limited.
He could not reshape the Army according to his will the way Germany had done.
Lighting a cigarette, de Gaulle politely declined the invitation to help draft the Middle East operational plan and walked out of the military conference room.
The corridor outside was quiet.
Smoke drifted from his lips as he murmured to himself.
"One slow step leads to every step being slow."
He looked toward the distant sky beyond the window.
"I only hope the copper walls and iron ramparts of the Maginot Line can withstand the black hawks circling above."
.....
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