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Translator: 8uhl
Chapter: 50
Chapter Title: I'll Take It
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"To explain them in order, one of the three bills is an issue that will have no bearing on public opinion at home. Another will see far more support than opposition. And the last one will face quite a serious clash between supporters and detractors. Which would you like me to explain first?"
"They say it's better to get the bad news over with first, so let's hear about the bill that will be the most divisive. Of course, I trust you understand that if opinions on Ireland are that fiercely divided, I will have no choice but to prioritize the mainland."
"Don't worry. While Ireland will be greatly affected, this isn't an issue limited to Ireland. In fact, to be precise, it would be more accurate to say I'm asking for an existing law to be repealed rather than a new one passed."
"...Repealed?"
He seemed curious as to what I was trying to say with all this preamble, but this was truly a matter of great importance.
"Yes, please repeal the Corn Laws. If it's too much to ask for an immediate repeal, I would request a gradual phasing out over a period of about two years, followed by a full repeal."
"I had a feeling, but are you really asking me to touch the Corn Laws? More importantly, why would Ireland care about the Corn Laws... No, that's not right. Is it plausible for Irish landowners to think this way? No, but repealing the Corn Laws... Hmm..."
As expected, Robert Peel sighed heavily, his face the very picture of consternation.
The name might not sound all that impressive, but the Corn Laws were legislation that had a tremendous impact on every aspect of 19th-century British society, politics, and economy.
The content was quite simple.
Due to the Napoleonic Wars and rapid industrialization, food prices in Britain skyrocketed, allowing landowners to reap enormous profits.
But of course, such a boom couldn't last forever.
Once the war ended, demand fell, and advancements in agricultural technology increased supply, naturally stabilizing food prices.
In response, the British Parliament, then composed mostly of the landowning class, passed an absurd law to prevent their profits from declining: [No foreign wheat shall be imported until the price of one quarter of wheat reaches 80 shillings].
Of course, imposing tariffs on foreign goods to protect domestic food supplies is something that still happens in the modern era.
The problem was that the price of 80 shillings per quarter was a figure that had never once been reached by the current year of 1835.
This was tantamount to saying that foreign flour would be completely banned from import so that British landowners could continue to line their pockets.
Public opinion was so poor that the bill had been slightly amended a few years ago, but that was merely a superficial change, and public sentiment continued to sour with each passing day.
"Right now, the only people defending the Corn Laws are a small minority of landowners. Of course, since a significant number of them are in the House of Lords or belong to our party, a repeal is impossible. But to put it another way, it also means that now, with you in power, Prime Minister, the Corn Laws can be addressed."
"I agree that the Corn Laws are bad legislation that should be abolished. But surely you're aware that this could plunge our party into internal conflict if mishandled? Even the Whig Party, once a massive ruling party, lost power due to internal strife. This is too..."
"That's all the more reason to push it through early in your term. Even if some conflict arises, the next election is at least two or three years away. We'll have plenty of time to resolve things by then. And we'll be able to keep the rise in approval ratings from repealing the Corn Laws."
In the original history, the Corn Laws are repealed by Robert Peel's hand about ten years from now.
Robert Peel was a supporter of free trade and held the conviction that protectionist policies were detrimental to the national economy.
So, if I kept whispering in his ear, he would inevitably follow a path similar to the one in the original history.
Above all, these Corn Laws had to be abolished as quickly as possible for me to execute the plans I was preparing.
"And strictly speaking, the Corn Laws will only have a negative long-term impact on maintaining the privileges of the nobility. Supporting them for short-term profit is nothing more than a shortsighted attitude that fails to see the distant future. The opposition within the party can be persuaded by highlighting this point."
"It will limit the privileges of the nobility? How so? I understand that public opinion won't improve because it's a law that guarantees the interests of the aristocracy, but..."
The Corn Laws weren't just infamous among the workers.
Simply put, the fact that workers had to buy expensive bread meant that capitalists couldn't lower wages below a certain point.
Even someone who saw people as nothing more than machines to be squeezed for profit—or rather, precisely because of that—couldn't pay wages so low that workers couldn't even afford bread.
If the workers actually starved to death, there would be no one left to run the factory machines.
In an era without a minimum wage, the cost of food essentially served as one.
In other words, it was a very unusual case where the interests of capitalists and laborers aligned.
"Exactly. What happens if public opinion continues to worsen? If you just go out on the street and ask 100 workers which law should be repealed immediately, at least 90 of them will say the Corn Laws. But the workers have no means to repeal them. They don't have the right to vote."
"So the workers will demand the right to vote for themselves?"
"At the very least, it will be a powerful catalyst for forming such a consensus. The recent adjustments to the property-based voting qualifications will only increase the number of people thinking that way. From a political engineering perspective, a well-fed dog doesn't bite its master. The landowners need to realize they are undermining their own position."
"...That makes sense. Opposition from the House of Lords could be neutralized by persuading them step-by-step in that manner. I've learned something today. Your political acumen is truly extraordinary."
"It's a conclusion I reached with the advice of those around me. Once the landowners' opposition is neutralized, the only remaining opponents will be the protectionists. I am currently writing a paper that synthesizes the opinions of several scholars on this matter, which should be sufficient to refute their arguments."
If the Corn Laws could be repealed while minimizing the backlash from landowners, the Conservative Party would receive the best report card imaginable.
Robert Peel, in particular, would be praised for demonstrating the excellent skill befitting a Prime Minister, further solidifying his political standing.
Seizing the opportunity as his mood visibly improved, I presented the details of the second and third bills.
"The second matter will actually be received even more favorably in the regions. I request that the Municipal Corporations Reform Act, currently planned only for Wales and England, be extended to Ireland and Scotland as well. Since the surveys aren't complete yet, it doesn't have to be immediate. An announcement that an investigative committee will be formed would be sufficient for now."
"That shouldn't be a major issue. In fact, it should help soothe public sentiment in Ireland and Scotland. Those who are bleeding the regions dry will oppose it, but that will only improve our party's image."
"Yes, if it's pushed forward along with the tithe relief, the Irish will certainly feel the tangible benefits of having voted for the Conservative Party."
As a bonus, if the system is reformed to more accurately reflect local will, O'Connell's influence and mine will grow that much stronger.
It was a way to take credit while also solidifying our own power base—killing two birds with one stone.
"So, what's the last bill? I believe you said this one wouldn't affect domestic public opinion."
"Yes. Please add some exemption clauses to the laws concerning resource extraction near the Great Lakes and the development of farmland on the plains in Canada."
"The Crown Lands Act and the Seigneurial Tenure system. You want me to amend those two? Why is Ireland suddenly taking an interest in this?"
At this time, Canada was divided into two colonies: Upper Canada, corresponding to modern-day Ontario, and Lower Canada, corresponding to Quebec.
Naturally, there were systems in place to regulate the management of natural resources and land use in the colonies, and those two were prime examples.
"Once the Corn Laws are repealed, it won't just be Britain; the agricultural structure across all of Ireland will change. Furthermore, Ireland's population is continuously growing, and at its current level, it simply cannot support this increase. The standard of living is also an issue."
"That's true. The majority of the people subsist on potatoes and milk."
"But the population will continue to grow, while production is limited. Consequently, the per capita standard of living is bound to keep falling. This is an unfavorable situation for you, Prime Minister, for me, and for the influential figures in Northern Ireland who support me."
"But what does that have to do with Canada... Ah, is that it? You want to send the surplus population to Canada as immigrants and actively develop the region?"
For now, I had to use that as an excuse, but this was also an insurance policy for when the potato blight struck Ireland.
No matter how thoroughly I prepared, I couldn't just stop potato farming in Ireland, so some damage was inevitable.
Even after repealing the Corn Laws and importing cheap wheat from various places, Ireland was such a poor region that it would be impossible to feed its entire population of eight million.
Emigration would be unavoidable, and I needed to somehow prevent them from fleeing to the United States in droves, as they did in the original history.
That's why I intended to secure as much farmland in Canada as possible starting now and create an environment where they could work.
This would allow for a relatively stable settlement of Ireland's surplus population in Canada.
"Yes. Isn't the government already considering encouraging immigration to increase Canada's population? Many landowners in Northern Ireland see this as a new business opportunity."
"Indeed, there have been opinions lately that we need to bulk up Canada, if only to curb the rapid expansion of the United States. But because it's perceived as such a remote frontier, our efforts haven't been very effective. If you are willing to take this on, Parliament will have no reason to refuse. The Whigs probably won't object either, so we should be able to pass this within the year."
Good. As I thought, Britain at this time doesn't fully grasp the true value of Canada and the Great Lakes region.
Of course, they had some awareness, but the British colonial administration was currently focused on agriculture, trade, and settlement development.
They were only just beginning to take an interest in the natural resources needed for industrialization, and the rapid industrial boom centered on the Great Lakes was still decades away.
The reason, of course, was that the conditions weren't yet ripe, but with the right injection of population and capital, it would be possible to start generating substantial profits in about ten years.
In particular, attracting American companies that were just taking their first steps toward industrialization around the Great Lakes could save a significant amount of initial investment costs.
Of course, the key was how to attract them, but luckily, a major event that would make it possible was scheduled to happen soon, so that wasn't a problem either.
If our side could monopolize Canada's industrialization and secure farmland, it would be much easier for the Irish to settle when they emigrated in large numbers.
Then Canada's power would grow, and unlike in the original history, Irish immigrants would become the majority in Canada, so wouldn't my influence naturally envelop the country?
After all, the current population of Canada was only about 400,000 in Upper Canada and less than a million in Lower Canada.
Considering everything from the short-term response to the Great Famine to the long-term future thirty or forty years from now, I could clearly see how this snowball would roll.
"Thank you, Prime Minister. This will be a great help to my uncle and me in managing local public opinion. We will support you with all our might, so please don't hesitate to let us know if you ever need anything."
"Hahaha, yes. If you continue to show such competence, my expectations for our Earl of Arran will only grow deeper. In that case, I will consider our deal firmly established. I trust you'll ensure that O'Connell and Ireland give our party... no, give me their full support."
"Yes. I won't make long speeches; I'll show you with results."
In the end, that day's meeting concluded in a very amicable atmosphere.
Robert Peel and I parted ways with bright, thoroughly satisfied smiles.
With this, all preparations for my ascent were complete.
Now, all I had to do was wait for the wind that would carry me far away.
* * *
The Prime Minister immediately granted my requests, just as he had promised.
An investigative committee was formed for the passage of the municipal reform act in Ireland and Scotland, and a clause was added to Canada's natural resource management laws that allowed us to get a foot in the door.
I had worried that someone might find fault with it, but as expected, the debate over the repeal of the Corn Laws sucked up all the attention, and no one paid any mind to the other two bills.
"Honorable members of Parliament! How much longer must we carry the burden of this outdated legislation known as the Corn Laws? It is becoming increasingly clear that this relic of a bygone era is only growing more detrimental to the economy of our great nation and the lives of its citizens! Protectionism that imposes high tariffs on grain ultimately does not benefit the economy of our British Empire!"
"The honorable Member Wellesley's words have merit, but his argument is based on a theory that has yet to be proven. If we do not maintain grain prices through tariffs, our rural areas risk collapse, and it will create a massive crisis for our food security."
"That is precisely why it is an old, outdated theory. On this matter, I recommend you read the paper written by Killian Gore, the Earl of Arran, a student at Eton College. It provides a detailed summary of Ricardo's concept of comparative advantage, linking it to actual trade trends. Indeed, professors from Oxford and Cambridge have acknowledged the value of this paper, and even Member Disraeli, a renowned protectionist within our own party, changed his opinion after reading it, agreeing that there is no need to maintain tariffs, at least when it comes to the Corn Laws."
It was a paper written by a boy who was only turning fifteen this year, but the theory wasn't mine to begin with.
It was more of a supplementary material, adding undeniable real-world examples to the theory of international division of labor already established by the distinguished English economist David Ricardo.
In the original history, Ricardo's theory of comparative advantage was an unfamiliar concept and failed to gain recognition, but it was brought back into the spotlight during the debate over the repeal of the Corn Laws and eventually became mainstream in academia.
I had merely set the stage for this theory to be highlighted about ten years earlier than that.
Even so, the fact that a fifteen-year-old boy had written a paper of this caliber was bound to attract attention.
Thanks to this, I was able to observe the proceedings of the Corn Laws repeal debate on-site as an expert, and I firmly imprinted the name Killian Gore in the minds of political and financial figures.
The first impression I made was not as a political hopeful, but as a competent student of economics, which in itself was a significant achievement.
"The real data in this paper speaks for itself! Our country should not be pettily imposing tariffs on grain but should instead focus more on our thriving manufacturing and woolen industries. We could achieve even greater profits, especially if we improve the power sources for our textile machinery."
"Then what about the farmers who lose their jobs? Should we just let them starve to death?"
"For every one job that disappears, three or four more will be created. The state simply needs to provide support measures to help the farmers transition to those new jobs!"
Although our side's argument held the upper hand both in theory and in actual data, the long-entrenched debate over the Corn Laws did not subside easily.
It was a good thing we had minimized the landowners' opposition beforehand; otherwise, we might not have even been able to unify opinions within our own party.
After a debate that lasted nearly a full year, the bill to repeal the Corn Laws finally passed through Parliament, and by the time it was actually implemented, it was already near the end of the year.
Amidst such fierce debate and changes in the social structure, the new year of 1837 was gradually drawing closer to the British Empire.
Thanks to this, even the newspapers, which had been clamoring with articles about the implementation of the Corn Laws, took a brief pause to closely watch the movements in Kensington and Buckingham.
The year 1837. The year when Britain's next queen would finally come of age was just around the corner.
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