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Translator: 8uhl
Chapter: 28
Chapter Title: The Victor's Surefire Method
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For a politician, having a reliable sponsor is incredibly important.
Especially for a young man like Disraeli, who had not yet fully established himself as a politician, it was no exaggeration to call it a necessity, not a choice.
Still, he did not act so rashly as to immediately accept the hand offered by the boy named Killian Gore.
Though his striking appearance and witty remarks sometimes made him seem frivolous, Disraeli's true worth lay in the seriousness hidden beneath his flamboyance.
At first, he even wondered if the little brat named Killian was trying to deceive him.
It made sense, from a common-sense perspective.
How on earth could such a child possess a fortune exceeding one hundred thousand pounds?
And it wasn't inherited wealth, either. He even claimed his assets would multiply several times over when real estate was included.
The fact that he couldn't find anything suspicious, no matter how hard he looked, was what made it all the more suspicious.
Even the terms of the sponsorship were excessively favorable to him.
The one condition Disraeli had to uphold, no matter what, was to conceal the fact that he was being sponsored by Killian Gore.
That was the only clause.
To prove his trustworthiness, Killian had even arranged a meeting with Charles Wellesley, the second son of the Duke of Wellington.
The reason given was that they would become allies in Parliament starting next year, so they should get acquainted beforehand.
Only then did Disraeli realize that Killian was serious.
It was hard to believe, but the boy had truly seen his potential after reading the book into which he had poured his soul.
Though he was just a child, if he had amassed such a fortune on his own, he was no longer a mere child.
He was simply someone a little younger than himself.
Disraeli decided to take Killian's offered hand and trust him, at least until this election was over.
And from the very first day Killian began to seriously support his campaign.
'This is… an election?'
He was learning firsthand just how much easier an election could be with the use of that thing called money.
"There are currently two strong candidates in High Wycombe: George Dashwood of the Whig Party and Colonel Robert Smith of the Tory Party. Barring any unforeseen variables, these two are expected to win. George Dashwood is a local magnate who has been consistently elected in High Wycombe for the past ten years, and Colonel Robert Smith is a distinguished soldier who fought in the Napoleonic Wars."
He didn't know where they'd been found, but a group of people who practically oozed professionalism proceeded to brief him, systematically breaking down every piece of information on his two competitors.
"Of the two, Colonel Robert Smith is the easier target to unseat. However, since you plan to join the Tory Party next year, slandering Colonel Robert, a potential party colleague, would be a poor move. Let's make it our strategy to oust George Dashwood and secure your victory."
"Ah… that's easier said than done. As your informants said, George Dashwood is a local magnate who has spent ten years building ties here. Ousting him won't be as simple as it sounds."
"It's fine. Every opponent, no matter how strong, has a weakness. Even before our meeting, I had already dispatched informants to investigate all the influential figures in this region."
"You were running background checks on my competitors even before you met me?"
It was another moment that proved Killian's claim of having singled him out from the start was not just empty words.
He honestly didn't know why Killian acknowledged him to this extent, but it would be a lie to say he wasn't moved.
Moreover, Killian didn't stop there. He had a massive number of promotional slogans and pamphlets printed and distributed them throughout the entire constituency.
"A young politician for a new era! Cast a clean vote for Disraeli!"
"The future is youth! Mr. Disraeli is High Wycombe's finest choice!"
Hiring singers to go around performing Disraeli's campaign song was just the icing on the cake.
"Mr. Disraeli is treating! Come get some bread and money. You don't have to pay it back! This isn't a loan~"
Everyone who came to receive a pamphlet was provided with a small gift, money, and food.
"Wow! It's Mr. Disraeli!"
"The hope of High Wycombe!"
Miraculously, as the money continued to flow, the number of people who recognized him grew in a short time, and public interest began to skyrocket.
Above all, what truly captured people's attention was just who this candidate, who had been unable to run a proper campaign, had secured as a backer to be able to throw money around like this.
Killian had probably anticipated this reaction and was now pushing for even more aggressive campaigning.
But the surprises didn't end there.
It was obvious that throwing money at an election made it easier, but that was a one-dimensional way of thinking.
This single election made Disraeli realize with absolute clarity that what truly mattered was how to spend that money effectively.
* * *
It's easy to be impressed by a country that established parliamentary democracy and held general elections since the early 19th century.
In fact, when I first came to Britain, I almost got swept up in the grandeur of it all.
But it didn't take long for me to realize the truth.
The elections and parliamentary system in Britain at this time were, compared to their modern counterparts, the same in name only; their essence was something else entirely.
Looking at the system from a modern perspective, the only feelings that came to mind were derision and astonishment.
"In High Wycombe, where Mr. Disraeli is running, there are estimated to be around 500 people with the right to vote. That means the actual number of voters will be just over 400."
"Fewer people makes the work easier, I suppose."
"That's not particularly few. Most constituencies will be around this size now."
"James is right. For this era, this is a rather competitive constituency."
I had made my comment based on modern standards, but James and Disraeli reacted in a way that was perfectly aligned with the standards of this era.
As they both said, this was perfectly normal for the times.
The reality was that a constituency had a few hundred voters at most, and even a large one like South Hampshire, where Wellesley was running, had barely a thousand.
In fact, if this year's electoral reform hadn't merged the smaller constituencies, the numbers wouldn't even be this high.
I'd heard that in previous elections, the most extreme cases had fewer than ten eligible voters.
It might seem like child's play, but viewed objectively, it was perhaps remarkable to have even this semblance of a system in the 1830s.
So what if the electorate was a mere 5% of the population?
What mattered was that it was a huge improvement over the previous election's 1%, and that it would continue to improve in the future.
Considering the countries to the east that were unable to take even a single step forward, this was a godsend.
Of course, that didn't mean I intended to live in complete compliance with the current system and its gaping loopholes.
"According to our informants' investigation, George Dashwood has enjoyed quite a few special interests while active in this region for the past decade. Let's focus our attack on this point."
"Aha. So you mean to attack him on grounds of corruption? The Whigs have always attacked the Tories that way, so turning the tables on them should be quite effective."
"No. That method is effective when the electorate numbers in the tens of thousands. The people who have the right to vote now are concerned with something else entirely. We need to give them a story they're interested in."
"Is that so? I was planning to compete by fully demonstrating my ambitions and highlighting how I differ from the stale, established politicians…"
Just as expected from a first-time candidate. The twenty-something Disraeli's campaign strategy was far too by-the-book and reeked of integrity.
In modern times, some people might like such a character, but this was the 1830s.
An era where property determined the right to vote.
In other words, the voters were all middle-class citizens with a certain level of wealth. Wouldn't they have their own specific desires?
"Speeches like that are important, of course. But they're only useful for solidifying a lead, not for snatching victory from an opponent. So first, I will drag George Dashwood down so that you, Mr. Disraeli, can stand on the same stage as your competitors."
"Didn't you just say that the voters wouldn't be that interested in corruption?"
"This isn't simple corruption. Until now, George Dashwood has crafted nearly all his policies to benefit the upper class rather than the middle class of this region. And of course, he received plenty of kickbacks for it. We will criticize this point as strongly as possible."
Until last year, George Dashwood's strategy as this region's Member of Parliament wasn't wrong.
The majority of voters had been from the upper crust, and those who gained the right to vote for the first time this year had been unable to influence his election results until now.
It was slightly at odds with the Whig Party's platform, but those uninterested in central politics always prioritize protecting their own seat.
The best way to do that is to focus only on those who can vote for you.
It was a basic and effective strategy, but in a year like this, when the electoral system had undergone a massive upheaval, wouldn't the story be different?
Using this strategy in every constituency would be impossible, but I only needed to get two people elected this time.
Unleashing informants and spending lavishly wouldn't be much of a burden.
"We will distribute pamphlets throughout the entire region detailing how many special interests George Dashwood has handed to certain wealthy individuals under the pretext of serving the community. And you, Mr. Disraeli, will announce pledges that cater specifically to the middle class and deliver speeches accordingly."
"I don't trust the middle class, but I do agree that they need to be strengthened, so that's not a major issue… However, won't there be a backlash from the upper-class voters? We would lose all their votes."
"Now, let's assume you proposed policies that catered to their tastes. Do you think the people who have always voted for Dashwood and shared interests with him would suddenly vote for you? Besides, the upper-class votes are bound to be split between Dashwood and Colonel Smith anyway. With over 400 valid votes expected, realistically, securing more than 150 will all but guarantee your election."
When the number of voters increases dramatically, you can't win an election simply by creating divisions.
If you keep throwing away votes like that, you might eventually reach a point where you've discarded more votes than you've gained.
But with a paltry 400 votes, and in an election where the classes are so clearly divided, creating a rift is the most surefire strategy.
In the first place, the middle class, just now finding its economic footing, tended to despise the class that had long held its wealth.
-We worked hard to become self-made, but those silver-spoon bastards who live off their ancestors think they're so great?
That was more or less the sentiment.
Some might call it an inferiority complex mixed with envy, but I couldn't care less what it was.
What mattered was igniting those emotions to turn them against each other and absorbing the votes from the larger slice of the pie for Disraeli.
"Let's kick things into high gear in three days. We'll finish all preparations by then and strike all at once. James, have the people ready by then. And Mr. Disraeli, please think of some more slogans and speech content that will appeal to the middle class."
"Yes."
"I will do my best to write something that feels sincere."
George Dashwood probably didn't think we could do anything.
No matter how much money he'd been spending recently, Disraeli was, in the end, just a novice independent politician.
Thanks to that, even as we dug into his past and printed all sorts of materials, there wasn't a single move to check us.
* * *
"Everyone! Please calm down! This is all baseless nonsense! They are lies meant to slander me!"
Dashwood desperately beat his chest and shouted before the angry voters.
"Boooo! Step down!"
"Dashwood, explain yourself!"
"Dashwood, servant of the privileged, wake up!"
"Lackey of the privileged, resign immediately!"
"I am being wronged! For ten years, I have spared no effort and done my utmost for the development of this region!"
No matter how desperately he tried to explain, it wasn't easy to placate the already furious voters.
Crying injustice like that would do him no good.
How he had sacrificed the interests of the middle class for the sake of a privileged few who could vote.
And the approximate extent of the cumulative damages over those ten years.
Because a document, made much spicier with some added seasoning, had been delivered to the home of every middle-class citizen with the right to vote.
One of the most terrifying forms of negative campaigning is one based on facts, mixed with a little exaggeration.
It's difficult to even know where to begin refuting it, and even if you do, you're likely to face a counterattack pointing out that certain parts are, in fact, true.
For Dashwood, it must have felt like being hit by a natural disaster.
On top of that, as if he had been waiting for this very moment, Disraeli went around delivering speeches that poured oil on the flames of public anger.
"My friends! How much longer must we watch politics that represent only a privileged few! Who is truly responsible for this nation's rapid development! We are! It is the result of our own hands! As society is changing rapidly, so too must our politics.
With the complacency bred by old ways, we cannot take a single step forward. We need a young, spirited representative who will fight for our interests. Therefore, allow me, Disraeli, to fight for you! Allow me to bleed for you!
With your votes, prove that this nation is being born anew!"
"Hoorah!"
"Well said! Let's get rid of them all while we're at it!"
"If Dashwood loves the aristocrats so much, he can get lost in the House of Lords!"
"Disraeli to the House of Commons!
As the pre-hired rabble-rousers went about steering public opinion, the atmosphere in the constituency changed completely in just a few days.
Of course, this was only possible because we had been constantly distributing pamphlets and using people to amplify and reproduce rumors.
The time it took for Dashwood's seemingly solid popularity to wane was a mere fortnight.
Having keenly felt the power of money and organization, Disraeli approached after his speech and asked in a bewildered voice.
"Seeing how things are unfolding, I've realized to my bones just how unprepared I was."
"It's just that I have a personality that likes to be thorough, so I might have overdone it a bit. Other candidates won't go this far. Besides, these are methods you would have realized on your own in a few years anyway, Mr. Disraeli."
"Still, by advancing those few years for me, you have bestowed upon me a debt I can never repay. But I've been thinking… there's no way you could have done all this with the two thousand pounds you initially offered."
"Of course, two thousand pounds wouldn't have been nearly enough. I must have spent at least twice that, if not more."
"What? But didn't you say at the beginning that you would support me with two thousand pounds…?"
Facing his bewildered expression, I replied nonchalantly.
"Once I've determined something is worth investing in, it's my way not to skimp on the investment."
"Ah…"
About to say something, Disraeli lowered his head, his face slightly flushed.
They say a man pledges his loyalty to one who recognizes his worth.
I didn't believe that saying, but it was true that in cases like this, you could earn considerable goodwill, if not loyalty.
And with this election as a turning point, I was confident that I had secured the goodwill of Disraeli, who would one day grow into a titan of the Conservative Party.
The campaign funds I poured in, even doubling them, were nothing but a speck of dust compared to the benefits this relationship would bring.
By now, Wellesley too would be smoothly approaching victory, so the time for sowing was over.
Thus, the year turned, and a few months later came the time of harvest.
The general election ended, as expected, in a landslide victory for the Whigs and a crushing defeat for the Tories, but an upset occurred: all three young men who had entered politics for the first time were elected.
Following this, Disraeli made the unconventional move of abandoning his independent status and joining the Tory Party.
Led by Charles Wellesley, the Tory Party reported on this surprising result day after day, highlighting their young politicians.
Thanks to this, the person who had clearly pulled the strings from behind Disraeli was naturally forgotten amidst the public's attention.
With surprising speed.