"Gentlemen! The situation in New York is extremely critical. Commander-in-chief Washington has requested instructions for the next course of action. Should we first invite Your Excellency Godfrey of Charles, who is proficient in military strategy, to share his opinion?" Hancock looked towards Charles.
The other representatives also clapped enthusiastically in welcome.
These representatives were quite pragmatic. Previously, knowing that Charles graduated from the French Artillery Academy, they thought he was at most a good gunner or an artillery commander. Now, seeing the great victory achieved by his remote command of the Western Expedition, they immediately considered him a true military strategist.
Not only did he become a figure second only to Adams, the chairman of the Military and Ordnance Committee, but in the entire Continental Congress, he was also regarded as the statesman with the most military strategic vision.
Charles couldn't help but smile wryly to himself. This Hancock was truly practical; he demanded a return for every little benefit.
He had just received the title of "Conqueror of the Iroquois," and now he was expected to diagnose the New York war.
In reality, his view on the New York war was still the same: to wear down the enemy's effective strength, drag it out as much as possible, and retreat while fighting.
However, such a defensive fighting style was certainly not suitable for him, the "Conqueror," to propose.
"Thank you, Chairman Hancock, for giving me this opportunity to speak." Charles stood up helplessly.
He had also worried that the current situation in New York might become unmanageable.
However, he also greatly admired Washington's command ability; to be able to maintain combat effectiveness in such a perilous situation meant that the subsequent war would not require special concern from the Continental Congress.
At least, even if it failed, he did not believe that Washington's failure would be worse than anyone else's.
"Gentlemen. The war in New York is indeed dangerous. But what we can discuss is merely what the Continental army should do.
Should they defend New York to the death, or decisively carry out a strategic transfer? As for other specific commands, we, sitting in this meeting room, cannot possibly judge.
If you are simply asking for my opinion on the next step, then I believe it should be entirely decided by Commander-in-chief Washington.
The battle has already begun, and only the Commander-in-chief, who is commanding on the front lines, can best grasp the overall situation.
It's too late for us in the rear to interfere. Now, we just need to do a good job of coordinating various tasks! That is my opinion, thank you all!" Charles bowed and sat back down.
A slight smile appeared on his face. New York now had no choice but to withdraw, but let Washington make that decision to retreat.
The representatives below immediately buzzed into a discussion.
They originally had no doubt about whether Washington should be given the power to make decisions on the battlefield. However, although the breakout battle on Long Island was fought beautifully, an undeniable fact was that the British army had successfully landed.
And they had defeated the Continental army on Long Island and were still surrounding Washington's Continental army.
So, while praising Washington's successful breakout, they secretly doubted whether he could ultimately win, which led to this meeting.
Now, after hearing Charles' opinion, they suddenly realized that even if they doubted him, what could they do?
At this point, the only person who could truly lead them to victory was Washington, the supreme commander.
On September 10th, the Continental Congress specifically studied the military issues of New York and finally made a wise decision: in this extraordinary period, military power would be decentralized, authorizing Commander-in-chief Washington to decide whether to continue defending New York.
Charles, as the newly appointed "Conqueror of the Iroquois" and an influential member of the Military and Ordnance Committee, undoubtedly played an important role in this decision.
In fact, Washington, who was in New York at the time, had already made a decision. After leading the army to defend the Manhattan Heights, he deeply reflected on the failure of the Long Island battle.
Feeling that the situation was very grim, at the military committee meeting held on September 7th, he pointed out: "The enemy is occupying positions behind us and controlling the front with warships.
Their purpose is to besiege us on New York Island, cut off our connection with the mainland, and force us to engage in a decisive battle with them, or surrender unconditionally."
Therefore, he advocated avoiding a decisive battle with the British army, preserving effective strength, and using the vast expanse of America to contend with the enemy for a long time.
He put forward a complete and mature strategic concept: "Adhere to defensive war; avoid large-scale actions under any circumstances."
At this point, we must mention the British position.
Before attacking New York, Franklin, who had great prestige in the Continental Congress, received a letter from General Howe, the British army commander.
As Franklin's friend, General Howe's tone in the letter was humble and polite, stating that as a British envoy, he was willing to pardon the rebels of the 13 Colonies, but only on an individual basis.
In response to this letter, Franklin, commissioned by the Continental Congress, replied in his personal name on July 30th, but the tone of the letter was entirely official.
While expressing his continued respect and even affection for Howe, he also said that he regretted seeing his friend waging a war for Great Britain to control American trade rights.
Franklin's letter informed Howe of the positions of Franklin and the Continental Congress, temporarily halting Howe's peace plan.
After successfully defeating Washington on Long Island this time, General Howe did not attack, but instead proposed another peace initiative, requesting the Continental Congress to send representatives to meet with him in a private capacity to seek a solution to the problem.
This request was immediately put up for discussion after the arrangements for the war were concluded.
Although Charles believed that the possibility of a peaceful resolution was small, he could not resist the opinions of the idealists and weak factions in the Continental Congress and agreed to send representatives to negotiate with the British army.
However, the Continental Congress believed that as the representative body of the free and independent United States of America, it could not send any of its members to meet with him in a private capacity.
Therefore, it was finally decided to send a committee to ascertain what powers and how much power the other side was granted, to deal with the person authorized by the Continental Congress, and to hear any proposals he deemed appropriate.
On September 10th, Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, Edward Rutledge of South Carolina, and Charles were elected to form a committee to accomplish this mission.
Charles himself, of course, did not want to go, and tried to decline on the grounds that he might need to return to Pittsburgh immediately to oversee construction.
However, Hancock forcefully pushed him out, using the reason of demonstrating their strength to the British.
The people accompanying him this time were actually the most influential figures in the Continental Congress.
Charles felt that being able to negotiate with them on behalf of the Continental Congress was also a way to increase his influence, and when he saw the election results, he simply stopped procrastinating.
Franklin wrote to Howe, agreeing to meet on the eleventh, at a house belonging to a man named Billopp on Staten Island, opposite Perth Amboy.
Charles and the others rushed to New York on horseback. The British army sent flat-bottomed boats to take the committee members' representatives to Staten Island.
Upon landing, waiting for them, two rows of Hessian mercenaries soldiers stretched from the beach all the way to the meeting house.
Those German musketeers, like natural executioners, exuded a murderous aura that made Charles greatly covet them, wishing all these soldiers were his subordinates.
Howe first greeted Franklin, and then Franklin introduced Charles and the others.
Howe specifically paid extra attention to Charles, who was the youngest but had already defeated the person he had arranged for in the west.
However, it was not as Franklin and the others had expected; Howe did not treat them with special importance because of Charles' victory.
Along the way from the beach to the door of the house, the two sides engaged in general, non-substantive conversations.
Howe let Charles witness the style of a traditional aristocrat. He first ordered his secretary, Henry Strachey, and the Hessian army colonel to accompany him and host a dinner for the four committee members.
After the meal, the Hessian army colonel withdrew. The talks officially began, and Howe was the first to speak: "I have long believed that the differences between the two sides can be narrowed until both sides are satisfied.
My feelings for the American Colonies are like those for a brother; if America falls, it will be like the loss of a brother, and I will feel sad."
Considering diplomatic requirements, the Continental Congress decided to negotiate on an equal footing, so Howe's words were answered by Franklin, the chairman of the committee.
He smiled slightly and said, "Your Excellency, we will do our best not to let you suffer such humiliation."
The sea breeze blew through the room, bringing a hint of coolness.
Howe paid no attention to Franklin's teasing and continued with his noble expression: "I regret that I was unable to arrive before the Declaration of Independence was published.
Of course, I have no power to treat the Colonies as independent nations, and I will always hope not to have this power.
Nor can I recognize the Continental Congress, because the British king has not recognized it.
This time, Your Excellency's committee must be regarded as 'several talented and influential gentlemen' gathered to converse, to try and outline a framework of terms to end the war disaster."
Facing such aggressive words, Charles felt somewhat underestimated, but Franklin merely said:
"Your Excellency is welcome to view the gentlemen present in any way you deem appropriate; they are free to view themselves according to their true identities.
In this context, there is no need to draw a distinction between the Continental Congress and individuals; the talks can proceed as if among friends."
Adams and Rutledge smiled in agreement, but Charles remained stern-faced and said nothing.
"Then I hope to stop these destructive extreme measures now, both for our country and for yours. If America falls, the British will also be affected.
Is it impossible to retract the step of independence and open the door to full discussion?" Howe continued in a serious tone.
He had already claimed that these negotiators could not be treated equally, and now he was demanding that independence be withdrawn, which meant that the United States of America could not be treated as an equal nation.
As soon as his condescending words were spoken, not to mention Charles, who knew the talks would be fruitless, the other shrewd committee members also understood that Howe had no intention of genuinely negotiating an equal truce.
These revolutionary pioneers could tolerate being treated unequally themselves, but they absolutely would not allow their country to be treated unequally.
"I believe Your lordship has seen the resolution of the Continental Congress sending us here; that resolution encompasses our entire mission.
If these talks do not produce any immediate good results, they may be useful at some point in the future. The United States has regarded the embargo act as a reply to her petition to the British king.
Armies have been sent out, towns have been destroyed, and now we cannot expect happiness under the rule of Great Britain; all previous loyalty and affection have been wiped out.
The United States cannot return to the rule of Great Britain, so the desire to return to Great Britain is a problem to be solved by force." When it came to national dignity, Franklin also began to look stern.
"I don't care what I am considered on this occasion, but certainly not a British subject. The Continental Congress declared independence according to the instructions of the Colonies, and it can only treat Your Excellency as a parliament," Adams also said.
At this point, it was no longer a simple negotiation, but a time to declare the representatives' positions.
Rutledge also spoke:
"An alliance between Great Britain and an independent nation will bring greater benefits than the original relationship between Great Britain and America.
South Carolina has accepted its new government, and even if the Continental Congress wished to revert to a Colony, she would not agree..."
This representative spoke at length, making Charles feel that all had been said, and finally, he only uttered one sentence:
"We came for peace, not for surrender!"
Facing Charles and the others' stern declarations of their positions, Howe could only repeatedly say:
"I have no power to regard the Colonies as independent nations from the British crown, nor do I wish to have that power.
I regret that the gentlemen have gone so far for such a trivial purpose. If the Colonies are unwilling to abandon their independent system, I cannot begin negotiations."
Franklin did not expect such a result and turned to discuss with Charles and the others. They all felt that dwelling on such an issue was meaningless, and it was better to simply refuse to continue the peace talks.
"Very well, Your Excellency, given that America is only expected to submit unconditionally and..."
Howe suddenly waved his hand, interrupting Franklin: "Great Britain does not require unconditional surrender.
I have already expressed my disapproval of what you said, and I hope the gentlemen do not leave with such thoughts."
"And Your Excellency has not made any proposals to us. If I were to ask, if we were to make proposals to Great Britain, and I do not know or am authorized to say that we certainly would, would you accept or forward them?"
Howe believed he could not avoid accepting any document placed in his hands, but he doubted the significance of forwarding them, and he still could not say he would refuse.
The talks ended amidst Howe's vague replies.
Clearly, Howe's power was limited to pardoning the Americans if they submitted. Franklin and Charles reported this to the Continental Congress.
Since the British peace envoy had no authority to recognize the Continental Congress, and independence was something the American people would never give up, then peace was out of the question.
The war began again.
The British land and sea forces swiftly advanced towards Washington in Manhattan, pushing him north to White Plains.
The war was very unfavorable.