Chapter 303: Entente Powers Conference and Central Powers Conference
After the completion of the Cabinet elections in Australasia, the country returned to a peaceful state, entering its usual development and construction environment.
However, Europe was far from peaceful at this time. The Italo-Turkish War was raging, and the powder keg in the Balkans seemed on the verge of exploding, causing more and more dark clouds to gather in Europe's once clear skies, as if a great storm was about to arrive.
On October 27, 1911, Arthur had just held a Cabinet meeting with the new Cabinet when he received an invitation from Britain to attend a large gathering in London.
This gathering was attended by more than ten countries, mostly those friendly with Britain, including France and Russia, who had directly signed agreements with Britain.
Of course, this meant that countries like Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which were in opposition to Britain, were not invited. Therefore, this conference could be seen as a large meeting of the Entente powers and nations leaning toward the Entente.
In fact, this invitation also signaled that Britain, France, and Russia viewed Australasia favorably. After all, Australasia was far away in Oceania, and being invited to such an Entente meeting represented that Australasia's strength was recognized by the Entente nations.
However, this invitation also caused Arthur quite a headache. If he attended directly, it would inevitably be seen as joining the Entente camp. This would be in stark contrast to his plan of staying neutral in the early stages, selling arms, and later joining the more advantageous side.
But it was a request from Britain, and declining it might cause offense, potentially damaging his relationship with the British government and people.
After careful consideration, Arthur chose to send Prime Minister Kent. As Arthur's trusted ally, Kent could, to some extent, represent Arthur. Additionally, as the newly elected Prime Minister of Australasia, Kent would also represent the current government of the country.
Thus, Prime Minister Kent was the most suitable person for the task besides Arthur himself.
Before Kent left, Arthur specifically instructed him to observe more and speak less during the conference, avoiding too much involvement. It was necessary to understand the current support for the Entente among European countries, but joining the Entente was unnecessary for now.
After all, World War I would be a tremendous drain on the Entente, and joining the war earlier would only mean that Australasia would deplete its resources more quickly.
If the conference invitation posed a dilemma for Arthur, it was clear that for the Central Powers, led by Wilhelm II, this was a direct challenge.
Unfortunately, while the time and participants of the conference were public, the content of the meeting was kept extremely secret. Even though Germany's intelligence services put in considerable effort, they only knew that the conference was aimed at the Central Powers. What was actually discussed and what goals were achieved remained unknown to them.
However, this did not mean Germany had no countermeasures.
Shortly after Prime Minister Kent arrived in London, the very next day, on November 30, 1911, Germany responded by announcing that it would hold a conference in Berlin. The participating countries were all members of the Central Powers or smaller European nations leaning toward the Central Powers.
What troubled Arthur was that even though Germany knew Kent was attending the Entente conference, the German government openly invited Australasia to the Central Powers conference.
While Australasia maintained good relations with both sides, such a blatant act of fence-sitting before the war would not only damage Australasia's reputation but also leave it in a position where neither side would be fully satisfied.
Therefore, on December 1, 1911, Arthur publicly declared on behalf of the government of Australasia that the country was peaceful and friendly and was temporarily unwilling to join the European conflict.
However, in the interest of world peace and humanity, Australasia was willing to provide medical and material support to Europe at any time to ensure that the people of Europe would not suffer the effects of the ongoing disputes.
At the same time, Arthur emphasized that Australasia would not directly join either the Entente or the Central Powers unless the interests of the country and its people were directly threatened.
Given the strong ties between Britain, Germany, and Australasia, and the historical connections between them, Arthur sincerely advised both sides to remain rational and resolve their disputes at the negotiation table.
After all, the first priority was to establish a neutral stance. There would be many difficult decisions ahead, and any misstep could result in Australasia being branded as a fence-sitter.
To demonstrate his commitment to neutrality, from December onward, Arthur instructed the government to maintain a low profile on the international stage to avoid drawing too much attention to Australasia.
In mid-December 1911, the Central Powers conference was officially held in Berlin, with representatives from the German Empire, Austro-Hungary, and the Kingdom of Italy, as well as several smaller European nations friendly to Germany.
Though the details of both conferences remained strictly confidential, it was clear to Europeans that tensions in the continent were extremely high, with a potential conflict seemingly just a spark away.
In January 1912, as Prime Minister Kent returned to Australasia, Arthur finally understood the discussions that had taken place at the Entente conference.
In fact, Kent had only heard rumors. The core discussions of the Entente Powers conference were attended only by the UK, France, and Russia. The smaller nations could only hear snippets, mostly of what the British wanted to be known.
Following the conference, it was clear that the Triple Entente would grow even closer.
The previous Triple Entente had been based on the Franco-Russian Alliance, which was further strengthened by the Anglo-French and Anglo-Russian agreements. However, these agreements primarily focused on countering Germany, with Britain aiding France and Russia.
With the new developments, however, the situation had shifted. Britain was now expected to take on military responsibilities as well.
This was unavoidable. If Britain did not shoulder military duties, Russia's commitment to the Entente could become unreliable. After all, it couldn't be left to the French to resist Germany, a situation that had already played out decades earlier when Germany had trampled over France to reach the top of Europe.
If Britain did not assume some military responsibility, it might nullify the Anglo-French and Anglo-Russian agreements and dissolve the Triple Entente altogether.
With the collapse of the Entente, no force would be left to stand in the way of Germany's rise.
According to Kent, the UK, France, and Russia had signed a new Triple Entente, which replaced the previous loose arrangements of the Anglo-French, Anglo-Russian, and Franco-Russian treaties. This new agreement firmly united the three countries.
Though the specifics of the new agreement were unclear, it was evident that France and Russia had shifted their stance, becoming much more committed to resisting Germany.
In addition to the new alliance, the three countries also signed a naval treaty, which was also made available to the smaller nations that participated, though they were not allowed to disclose it publicly.
The naval treaty stipulated that Britain would protect France's interests along the Atlantic coast, while France would protect Britain's interests in the Mediterranean colonies. Moreover, if war broke out, Russia's Black Sea Fleet and France's Mediterranean Fleet would be the first to block the Otranto Strait to prevent the Central Powers' navies from uniting.
The Otranto Strait, located between Italy and Albania, was the only access point for the Austro-Hungarian Navy to the open sea. By sealing this strait, the Austro-Hungarian fleet would be effectively neutralized, trapped in coastal waters.
Looking at the navies of the Central Powers—Germany's High Seas Fleet, Italy's Navy, and Austro-Hungary's Navy—it became clear that these forces shared a common vulnerability. All three were constrained in their respective waters, with the exit routes to the Atlantic being easily blocked.
For Austria-Hungary, the Otranto Strait was a critical chokepoint. Italy, although located in the vast Mediterranean, had both the Strait of Gibraltar to the west and the Suez Canal to the east, both of which were controlled by Britain. This meant that Italy's fleet could only operate in the Mediterranean unless it could defeat the British Navy.
Lastly, there was the German Navy. Prior to the construction of the Kiel Canal, Germany's east-west sea routes had to go around Denmark, which not only added significant distance but also handed control of key maritime chokepoints to Denmark.
The construction of the Kiel Canal had connected the North Sea and the Baltic, drastically shortening the distance between them and granting Germany control over this crucial passage.
However, this did not resolve all the issues. The Baltic was still limited in access to the wider world, with only the Kiel Canal providing a connection. But the North Sea, which led to the Atlantic, could only be accessed through the English Channel or the northern North Sea, both of which were under the control of the British.
This meant that, for the Central Powers to unite their navies, they would have to break through the naval dominance of Britain and France.
The problem was clear: the British Empire, as the undisputed naval superpower, posed an insurmountable challenge for the navies of the Central Powers. The Central Powers' navies could not hope to defeat the British Navy.
Without combining their fleets, the Central Powers posed little threat to British naval supremacy. But if they failed to challenge Britain's naval dominance, their combined fleets would remain ineffective.
It was a vicious cycle. Even though the Central Powers were heavily investing in their navies, they were still far from matching Britain's naval capabilities.
What's more, the British Empire possessed vast colonies and a large population, giving it deeper reserves than Germany could match. The naval arms race heavily favored Britain, making it increasingly unlikely that the Central Powers could surpass the Entente in naval power.
(End of Chapter)
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