"Marshal, allow me to ask a more direct question: how do you think the Russian army behaved in the First World War?"
Field Marshal Hindenburg had fought the Russian army on the Eastern Front and was promoted to Generalissimo after defeating them. Seeing Colonel Mainz's solemn inquiry, he sat up straight, his expression turning serious.
He thought for a moment before speaking slowly. "To be honest, I think the Russian soldiers performed adequately. They were brave, and their early war efforts were strong—certainly stronger than the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which suffered from a chaotic military structure and seven or eight languages in its army."
Hindenburg's disdain for the Austro-Hungarian Empire was clear, reflecting the long-standing Prussian perspective. Fifty years earlier, the Prussians had regarded themselves as the true inheritors of the Holy Roman Empire, and the Austro-Prussian War had confirmed their superiority. Austria, or Odili, had been excluded from the newly unified German state and forced to form the dual monarchy with Hungary.
"However," Hindenburg continued, "the Tsar was unprepared. He likely assumed his enemies were weak, reserving resources for only a short campaign. Once exhausted, the Russian army became vulnerable."
Hindenburg did not criticize the Russian soldiers themselves, noting that across Europe, armies had varying performance levels. Even the French, initially weak, grew stronger as the war progressed. His criticism was directed squarely at Tsarist leadership.
"Even with millions under arms—over 10 million at the height of the war—the Russian army could have overwhelmed Germany if properly equipped, trained, and commanded. But the Tsar remained trapped in outdated notions of warfare. Modern wars rely not on numbers alone, but on industrial strength."
By the war's end, the former Three Emperors' Alliance was destroyed: the Second Reich was gone, the Kaiser deposed, the Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed, and Tsarist Russia fell, with Nicholas II executed.
Mainz nodded, understanding Hindenburg's perspective.
"So, Marshal, you mean that Tsarist Russia's lack of industrialization was the main reason the Russian army underperformed?"
Hindenburg considered the question carefully. "You can think so. There were systemic issues—the disconnect between noble officers and ordinary soldiers—but industrial weakness was the principal factor."
Mainz was pleased. Hindenburg's insight showed both brilliance and long-term vision. Industrialization, he knew, determines productivity, societal development, and military capability.
"Do you agree, Marshal, that if Russia's industry reached Western European standards—even only to the level of France—the country would be transformed?"
Hindenburg's face reflected his concern. Industrializing a backward, serf-based society like Russia was no small task. Yet he realized the implications: a fully industrialized Russia would be a formidable power.
"Russia is the only European country with over 100 million people and vast territories," Mainz continued. "I inspected the situation firsthand. Even under the Bolsheviks, if they succeed, Russia will undergo massive transformation. Hundreds of millions of freed peasants, once converted into workers, will wield tremendous power."
"We cannot intervene militarily in Russia's civil war, but the Entente's actions reveal their fear. They want to crush the Bolsheviks before this potential power arises. They even support Tsarist forces to divide and weaken Russia."
Mainz leaned forward. "Even if we cannot send troops, we must avoid aiding the Bolsheviks. No weapons, no technology—military or industrial—should reach them. They must advance on their own. Especially the tank technology that will dominate future wars."
Hindenburg's expression hardened as Mainz said. "The British Empire and France are at best immediate rivals, while the United States and Russia are our lifelong adversaries."