Chapter 262: Britain and Russia's Attitudes
The Austro-Hungarian ambassador's words deeply angered Italy's high-ranking officials, especially the House of Savoy, as he entirely denied the Kingdom of Italy's legitimacy.
Ever since the fall of the Western Roman Empire, the Italian region had been split for over a thousand years. Aside from the Papal States, most of the region was governed at various times by France, Spain, or the Holy Roman Empire. Corsica, for example, is part of Italy geographically yet belongs to France.
Napoleon's sudden rise awakened a sense of national identity among both Germans and Italians. In Italy's case, it was essentially a matter of local feudal lords banding together for self-preservation during the progressive era of Napoleonic rule in France.
So, the Austro-Hungarian ambassador's comments—like pouring oil on a raging fire—drove relations between the two countries, which were already poor, to a point of irreconcilable hostility.
"Lord Christian, you must take responsibility for your words. The Kingdom of Italy will never tolerate such an insult from your nation," declared Victor Emmanuel II.
"Certainly. My own words represent the Empire's stance. Unless the Kingdom of Italy promises to forever abandon any claim over the Papal States' right to independence and self-governance, Austria-Hungary will not stand by," Christian replied.
"Fine! Our kingdom will never compromise. Nothing can weaken the Italian people's resolve to unify."
"We shall see."
With neither side able to agree, the meeting ended on a sour note. The Kingdom of Italy immediately began preparing strategies to cope with Austro-Hungarian intervention, and it also hurried to ask Britain for help.
Florence, British Embassy
"Ambassador Johnson, you must assist Italy in this matter. If Austria-Hungary invades, the resulting upheaval will not benefit your country," said Giuseppe, the Italian Foreign Minister.
However, Johnson was torn. He told Giuseppe, "If your kingdom would just abandon plans to incorporate the Papal States, we British could guarantee Austria-Hungary wouldn't dare invade."
In Johnson's view, it was only the Papal States. Italy didn't need to risk going head-to-head with Austria-Hungary over them. The current moment simply wasn't ideal for Italian unification. Britain did support Italian unity in general, but special circumstances had arisen—namely the ongoing Franco-Prussian War. At present, France didn't look so invincible, contrary to its boasts. Prussia was proving surprisingly strong.
To maintain Europe's balance, Britain had to focus on France and Prussia, not get sidetracked by secondary issues like Italy. Meanwhile, Austria had already suffered serious setbacks in recent years. With Tsar Alexander II's reforms reinvigorating Russia in the east, Britain also didn't want Austria-Hungary weakened any further.
"We can't spare the resources to back Italy right now because of the Franco-Prussian War," Johnson continued. "So it would be best for your kingdom not to provoke Austria-Hungary at this time."
Johnson's words were unacceptable to Giuseppe. Italians felt Rome was the key to true unity. Without Rome, Italy was incomplete—like France without Paris. Nationalists could not tolerate this.
"Will your country just stand by and allow the Holy Roman Empire to return?!" Giuseppe demanded.
"Of course not," Johnson responded firmly. "But as I've said, we currently have no plan or ability to intervene against Austria-Hungary. So, on behalf of Britain, I strongly advise you not to take rash action." He felt any talk of reviving the Holy Roman Empire was nonsense.
Were Austria-Hungary truly able to revive the Holy Roman Empire, Britain would have curbed it without hesitation. But that was impossible. Turning from Austria to Austro-Hungary meant it had already lost the leadership of Germany. Prussia might achieve a 'lesser Germany,' and Britain would accept that. But a 'greater Germany' was no longer realistic—Prussia and Austria could never unite after so much bad blood, and, besides, the Austro-Hungarian Empire itself contained the Kingdom of Hungary.
Giuseppe left disappointed. Having failed to get Britain's support, the Kingdom of Italy resolved to act alone. If they didn't take the Papal States now, they might never get another chance. That territory lay at the very heart of Italy, bridging north and south—absolutely essential.
On August 23, seeing that the Papal States continued ignoring Italy's demands, Italy formally declared war on them. Immediately, Austria-Hungary and the Papal States also declared war on Italy.
The European press exploded. People were already following the Franco-Prussian War, and now Austria-Hungary was fighting Italy as well—truly sensational news.
Russia was particularly perplexed. Tsar Alexander II urgently called a meeting to discuss the changes in Europe.
"Why would Austria-Hungary suddenly declare war on Italy?" the Tsar asked, baffled. "Aren't their armies posted in the east to guard against us and Prussia?"
His foreign minister replied, "At heart, Austria-Hungary cannot tolerate the complete unification of Italy. A unified Italy poses a substantial threat to Austrian security, so their conflict is irreconcilable."
The war minister added, "We haven't seen any major troop movements along the Austro-Russian border, and the number of Austrian soldiers hasn't changed much. Perhaps they think they can handle Italy without needing their main forces."
"I see. What a pity!" Alexander II sighed.
If Austria-Hungary's border units hadn't changed, then Russia had no real opening to intervene in the Austro-Italian war. Clearly, Austria-Hungary was wary of Russia.
But was it really unchanged? Of course not. They had simply finished redeploying months prior. Prussia and Russia could hardly suspect that, even before the Franco-Prussian War started, Austria-Hungary was preparing to strike Italy. Now, at the triple border of Prussia, Russia, and Austria, both Prussia and Austria had drawn down forces. Prussia had moved some troops elsewhere, while Austria-Hungary swapped out its elite units with average ones, so total numbers seemed unchanged.
"All the same, it's good news for us," said the Russian foreign minister. "I don't believe Austria-Hungary can easily beat Italy without going all-out. Ideally, Italy would bog Austria-Hungary down in a war, forcing them to compromise with us."
As for aiding Italy, that was never an option. Both Russia and Italy were notoriously short on money, with Russia still paying off huge debts incurred from serf reforms. That reform effectively meant the government paid landowners for worthless property to give to former serfs—though the results were not impressive. Meanwhile, local bureaucrats and landowners ended up pocketing the money, and many peasants went bankrupt again. The primary net benefit was fueling industrial growth and city populations.
Nor would Russia choose to fight a tough opponent like Austria-Hungary when the Ottoman Empire was right next door, a more logical target. As for Italy, it initially approached Britain for financial support—knowing Britain wouldn't send troops. Already heavily indebted to Britain, Italy presented a war with no advantage or strategic interest for the British, so they refused.
Focused on its own war, Prussia ignored them. Britain and Russia stayed uninvolved. And so, this new Austro-Italian War began under conditions resembling the Franco-Prussian War: most countries opted for neutrality. Austria-Hungary now played the role France had played before its own war—determined to prevent an enemy from unifying, issuing threats in advance, and facing off as a major power against a smaller one.
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