Chapter 93: Mtwara
Mtwara is located on the eastern shore of Mikindani Bay, a natural deep-water harbor in southern Tanzania.
As the first priority project following the new administrative reorganization, the construction of Mtwara Port was placed at the top of the agenda.
The port's construction is jointly handled by the Ruvuma (Lindi) government and personnel from the Upper Coastal Zone.
The initial construction plan allows for the docking of two ships at once—which is sufficient for now.
Ships arriving from Europe can be diverted here, and two ships at a time are enough to distribute a few hundred Austro-Hungarian immigrants, along with immigrants from the Far East. Over time, this would meet the population demands of the Lower Coastal Zone and the Eastern Lake Malawi Zone.
While Ernst was reviewing and reflecting on the Paraguayan War, he couldn't help but feel a sense of concern.
Looking at the tragedy of the war, on the surface it seemed that Paraguay's leader, López, aspired to be a Napoleonic figure—using a modernized army to protect Paraguay's territorial and sovereign interests—ultimately resulting in being ganged up on by three nations.
But behind the scenes of the Paraguayan War was the shadow of Britain.
After losing its agricultural market in North America due to the American Civil War, Britain sought to expand trade and economic influence in South America to compensate for those losses.
Starting in 1857, under agreements with Argentina and Brazil, Britain began building railroads in those countries to connect major agricultural regions with their ports.
At the same time, Britain demanded complete free navigation on the Paraná and Paraguay rivers, and tariff-free trade with Argentina's inland provinces and Paraguay.
Paraguay firmly rejected these demands. However, since the Paraná River runs through Buenos Aires and connects to Paraguay and Brazil's southern economic zones, Britain was determined to crush Paraguay's resistance.
Moreover, Britain aimed to fund Brazil and Argentina in the war to "destroy the seedlings of independence in both countries, and gradually bring them under its control," securing a firm footing in South America. Before the war even broke out, Britain was already fanning the flames.
This script that Britain played out in South America was no different from its usual "balance of power" games in Europe—stir up conflicts among regional states to serve its own interests.
Such tactics were a British specialty and couldn't be ignored.
In Ernst's previous life, Britain had used similar methods in Africa—for instance, exploiting tensions between the Boers and the Zulu Kingdom, and the Franco-German dispute over Morocco.
Though these events didn't relate directly to Ernst, in the past, Britain had personally intervened in German East Africa.
At that time, Britain had launched its ambitious "Cape to Cairo" project, intending to link all its African colonies from Cape Town in the south to Egypt in the north.
Germany's colonies—German East Africa and German Southwest Africa (Namibia)—stood directly in Britain's path, forming a strategic blockade on both flanks of southern Africa.
British efforts to connect all their colonies couldn't ignore German East Africa, especially since it bordered the impassable Congo rainforest on its western side.
Even in the 21st century, tropical rainforests remain notoriously difficult to develop—one rainy season is enough to remind any army of nature's power (see Amazon rainforest documentaries).
In his previous life, German East Africa still had the backing of the German Empire and could put up some resistance.
But Ernst's East African colony didn't enjoy the same connection. German East Africa had been an official overseas colony of the German government, while in this timeline, Ernst's East African territory was merely the private land of the Hohenzollern royal house.
In the previous timeline, Germany couldn't protect its overseas territories during World War I, let alone send forces to safeguard Ernst's colony now.
Moreover, East Africa could not remain forever tied to Germany.
If Germany lost another great war like before, Ernst's colony might also be carved up and handed to Britain or Portugal.
So Ernst couldn't walk blindly alongside Germany. East Africa's future needed to be independent.
But independence required strength. The colony had to arm itself. Otherwise, no one would take it seriously.
What if Britain resumed the Cape-to-Cairo plan in this timeline? Even if Ernst begged Germany for help, there was no guarantee he'd get it.
Major powers could always compromise—especially when sacrificing someone else.
Germany's national interests might not always align with Ernst's.
They could trade East Africa to Britain for benefits elsewhere.
There was historical precedent.
In the Franco-German conflict over Morocco, Germany initially made bold promises to support Moroccan independence. But when France and Britain applied pressure, Germany backed down.
In return, it received portions of Cameroon as compensation.
That's why Ernst would never stake everything on Germany. His frequent engagement with the Austro-Hungarian royal family was part of his broader strategy.
The more allies, the more options.
If his grandfather hadn't betrayed Napoleon, Ernst might even consider reaching out to the French government.
As for Britain—it was likely to become East Africa's main rival.
Ernst had no desire to court the cold shoulder.
He had no connection to Britain. His late mother was French, and his maternal grandfather still had influence in France.
He had former allies and students there.
Ernst had no contacts in Britain. His only link to Britain was through the Prussian royal family and a few northern German states, which had a history of allying with the British.
But Ernst's family operated mainly in southern Germany. Before joining Prussia, they aligned with Austria and France—and at their lowest point, even served under Bavaria during the Holy Roman Empire.
So Ernst's influence was mainly on the European continent, where the British rarely interfered.
Without the scale of Baden, Württemberg, or Bavaria, Britain wouldn't even give him the time of day.
Still, the Hohenzollern royal flag could be waved when necessary.
Under the rule of the Hohenzollern family, Prussia and even Romania still held significant clout in Europe.
The Hohenzollern royal house also had connections in Sweden, Russia, and Austria through marriages—all networks Ernst could leverage for support in European public opinion.
Having good relations with multiple European powers was far wiser than tying his fate to Germany alone.
Of course, until the outbreak of World War I, East Africa would remain a trustworthy partner to Germany.
The German government's interests might not always align with Ernst's—but the Prussian royal family's certainly did.
They were both Hohenzollerns. They were on the same team.
Ultimately, if the British ever posed a serious threat to East Africa, Ernst knew he could only rely on himself.
No foreign help was guaranteed.
The creation of Mtwara Port was precisely for this reason: to strengthen the southern border of East Africa.
In the future, large quantities of weapons and supplies could be transported here and stockpiled in the Lower Coastal and Eastern Lake Malawi zones.
It's common knowledge that Britain and Portugal were so close, they might as well share a pair of pants.
In the previous timeline, the two joined forces to crush German East and Southwest Africa.
Portugal could not be underestimated. Their colonies bordered East Africa, and future clashes over Zimbabwe and Zambia were inevitable.
By arming the southern front early, Ernst ensured a degree of security.
As for the north, the eight northwestern kingdoms were already half-dead.
Once the plague ended, the East African army would simply march in and take over.
In the northeast, local tribes posed no real threat. The only serious powers were Abyssinia (Ethiopia) and the Ottoman Empire.
But East Africa didn't directly border either—small buffer states and native tribes lay in between.
Besides, the Ottoman Empire, despite being a dying empire, still acted as a buffer, slowing down Western expansion in Africa.
Stretching from the Balkans to Algeria, the Ottomans controlled vast territories.
Due to internal instability and Western pressure, the Ottomans couldn't afford foreign expansion—perfect for giving East Africa a window to grow.
A half-dead Ottoman Empire was the best kind of neighbor.
It kept Western powers distracted while posing no threat itself.
Abyssinia faced the same internal issues.
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