Large banquets are for socializing; small dinners are for doing business.
The Lynchburg Hotel's rooftop restaurant overlooked the Blue Ridge Mountains.
After a week of negotiations, five regional large real estate companies stood out among more than a thousand nationwide real estate enterprises.
Looking at the five men before him, Leo smiled and said,
"Mr. President sends his regards and thanks you all for recognizing and supporting his work."
The only condition for these companies to sit here was that their controllers had donated one million dollars to Truman's campaign fund.
One million was not much for the big players behind the scenes, but it was a signal and an attitude.
Since the repeal of the price control law, a strange scene had emerged: goods piling up on one side, while people with money could not buy anything on the other.
And the blame naturally fell on then-President Truman.
Adding to that was the intensifying wave of strikes, and Truman's tough style had offended both labor and capital sides.
His approval rating was predictable.
With the addition of these people and money, the harsh criticism against Truman somewhat eased.
Hudson Park, chairman of Rice Homes in North Carolina, smiled at Leo and said,
"Actually, Rice Properties has long wanted to support President Truman's election.
But we had no channel to do so.
This time, thanks to Mr. Valentino, you not only gave us a precious pre-sale qualification certificate but also built a communication channel with the President."
Leo felt a deep respect for Hudson — another top-tier player.
These professional managers' wealth might not match Haimen Ross, but their acting skills far surpassed him.
Rice was not a large company and had been in the real estate industry for only three years, roughly the same as Leo.
Their only client during these three years was their parent company — the Ochia Group.
People might be unfamiliar with this group, but Marlboro was one of their brands.
The Ochia Group used to be the world's largest tobacco company, the largest entity left after the breakup of the American Tobacco Company.
It had huge influence throughout the southern United States.
Although they focused mainly on the Republican candidate Dewey in this election, the capitalists eyeing the real estate dividend still hedged their bets by backing both sides according to their interests.
This approach seemed disrespectful to the President but was actually standard practice in America.
Truman needed to break through the real estate companies as a smokescreen to reach the tobacco enterprises behind them through his own efforts.
Among the five people, some were preparing for private deals, while others saw the one million only as a one-time transaction.
Finn Harper, chairman of Destan Real Estate in Ohio, as the head of the state's largest real estate company, looked down on this arrangement. He was a staunch Republican supporter.
His presence at the table was not because of Leo but because they had turned to Eisenhower.
To prevent Eisenhower from being wooed by James, Truman had pushed this company in.
Truman was not present today because he was meeting Eisenhower. This purely interest-based relationship naturally did not grant Leo any respect.
Finn Harper said,
"Mr. Valentino, you said there's going to be big moves, but we've wasted a lot of time climbing mountains and hunting."
Leo made a mental note of the man's stupidity—such wealth shouldn't match such foolishness.
Now Valentino Real Estate was fully capable of entering Ohio.
Leo didn't voice his thoughts but smiled and said to everyone present,
"Friends, with the emergence of the pre-sale model, real estate has become a pillar industry in America.
All of you here are newly elected honorary presidents of the Association and leaders in the industry in your states.
So, can we unite the majority of companies in this industry to steer America's policies in our favor?"
Leo's words lit up the eyes of those present.
Carson Merlyn, chairman of the largest real estate company in the West, Merlyn Realty, greed gleamed in his eyes as he asked,
"What should we do, Mr. Valentino?"
Even Finn Harper, previously aloof, leaned forward. As industry insiders, if they could influence national policy, their status in America would greatly rise.
Leo said,
"I suggest we completely change the Association's loose organization. We need clear Association guidelines, meeting rules, and a board of directors with the power to influence all member companies.
I believe the presidents present should be the first board members."
Everyone wanted more power and nodded. This was only beneficial to them.
"One question, Mr. Valentino: how do we influence all the companies in the Association?"
Todd O'Clean, head of Brookfield's real estate department, asked.
He wasn't nitpicking; he was brought in by Leo himself because one of their directors, White Law, had provided crucial timber when Leo most needed money.
As thanks for that angel investment, Leo had actively included the seemingly Canadian Brookfield company, whose business was mostly in America.
"Our combined wealth accounts for 35% of the Association's total enterprises, and our companies' business volume accounts for 48%.
We support nearly half of the Association's members.
As for those with objections…"
Leo looked around, his voice low and resolute,
"That means they don't belong in this industry. As good gentlemen, we have the duty to let them leave."
Real estate had long been a secondary industry in America; this mindset made it hard for them to imagine the future.
But Leo's practical words made them feel a new era was truly coming.
"Is forming a board all we need?"
Exxon Lehman, CEO of Coastal Real Estate from Florida, asked.
"Of course not. We also need to charge membership fees, with us naturally paying the most.
The fees will primarily fund a lobbying firm in Washington D.C. to exert influence on Congress and lay the foundation for shaping government decisions.
Of course, we decide the nature of that influence.
Also, the president's term is four years.
So, what do you all think?"
With resources accumulating, Leo, now a mature capitalist, had mastered leveraging others' assets skillfully.
Having worked hard to become Association president, the returns had to be at least tenfold to make it worthwhile.
Everyone knew most projects benefiting from the lobbying firm would profit Leo the most, while they would only get small shares.
Some were ready to refuse, thinking it better to work separately, but upon hearing the president's term was every four years, they wavered.
The power of the presidency was a peak few could reach in a lifetime. Though not guaranteed election, the possibility existed. Once elected, they would become the spokesperson for American real estate, earning everyone's respect.
"I agree!" Finn Harper said.
"Agreed!" Hudson Park said, seeing hope to break free from tobacco companies and become an independent force.
"Agreed." Todd O'Clean said.
"Agreed." Carson Merlyn said.
"Agreed." Exxon Lehman said.
"Good, I'm glad we reached consensus. Trust me, you won't regret today's decision. Since the board is formed, as president, I'll submit the first agenda.
Don't look at me like that; it's absolutely beneficial to you all."
When Leo finished, the temporary secretary, Elena, placed documents in front of the men.
"This is internal material, and you can't take it away."
Leo's words sparked their curiosity; they wanted to see how different Leo's agenda as president would be.
As they lowered their eyes, their pupils constricted; then they looked up at Leo again. The title on the cover was provocative: "Four Million Disarmament Lobby Plan."
"Don't look at me like that—I'm not crazy.
First, our demand: although there are many veterans now, we are still missing the final spark to ignite the American real estate market.
Second, the call of the times—you should feel it: American parents' desire to bring their children back home from hell has reached a peak.
We just need to put their voices in the newspapers, and there will be overwhelming public opinion to achieve our goals.
Our first lobbying effort as an Association must be a big success.
This is the easiest way I can think of. If you have better ideas, feel free to suggest."
They frowned, thinking more and more Leo made sense.
They searched their minds but found no better ideas than Leo's.
Finn Harper, already captivated by Leo's vision, began fantasizing about being president himself but regained his senses and said,
"Sorry, I can't support this. It will offend many people and cause unbearable losses."
Everyone understood—disarmament's biggest losers would be military-industrial enterprises, which were the largest donors to the Republican Party.
"But I won't oppose it, and I will quietly allow the real estate companies I influence to serve this plan."
Leo nodded and said to him,
"Thank you for your support, Mr. Harper. Our board will inevitably face disagreements on lobbying issues. That's why there are five of us. In a majority rules situation, I'm sorry to say you will have to temporarily step aside.
Not losing your board membership, but the lobbying details must be confidential.
Once we are confident of success, we will give you the documents, ensuring you get insider information 30 days before other members, so you know the market profit points after lobbying.
That's a board member benefit."
Leo's careful plan surprised Finn Harper, who was ready to turn hostile but instead gained insider intelligence.
He gratefully said,
"Thank you, Mr. Valentino."
Standing by the door, he asked Leo,
"When you act, my Republican friends will definitely ask me what I should do."
Before he finished, Leo interrupted,
"Just tell the truth. As you said, once lobbying starts, as a new player in Washington, exposure is inevitable—no need to hide."
After Finn left, Exxon Lehman, chairman of Florida Gulf Real Estate, chuckled,
"How did such an idiot grow such a big company? He wants everything but is unwilling to give up anything.
I have an idea."
Leo read their thoughts and said,
"Yes, Mr. Finn really isn't suitable for real estate. To intimidate others in the Association, we need a more influential example."
While Leo and the real estate tycoons discussed pushing disarmament, the atmosphere was gloomy in Chicago consortium leader Gavin's mansion reception room.
"The Cotton family lost again. They escaped smoothly this time only thanks to Rockefeller's help," Gavin said.
To him, it was both good and bad news.
Good because the Cottons had no strength now and no right to make him their dog.
Bad because the Cottons suffered a big loss, but the real sacrifice was his own firm, Tishman Speyer.
Firing Thomas eased some shareholders' dissatisfaction but the stock plunge was a real threat to Gavin's status and wealth.
Under huge pressure, he quickly contacted party whip James and Citibank director Walter Reston, who were also in trouble.
"Harold's old and no longer cautious. Oswald was spoiled at a British aristocratic school, too rigid and full of loopholes.
To push the pre-sale restriction bill, I made many promises that now can't be kept, making my job of uniting the majority very hard," James said angrily.
"Citibank had the same problem, even using a contact of Mr. Will. The failure embarrassed Citibank in the circle.
Though there was no financial loss, as Mr. Samuel said, Citibank's reputation is priceless and can't be bought back," Walter said.
"That kid has really made it. Even if the Chicago consortium goes all out, they can't touch his company anytime soon.
Valentino Realty's profitability is so strong that once it goes public in Virginia, a new consortium will form," Gavin sighed.
"I heard Leo was assassinated that day?" Walter asked.
Knowing some inside info, James waved his hand gloomily,
"Don't mention it. The newly established CIA sent their top assassin. Not only did they fail to kill Leo, they were killed by him.
Now everyone calls him 'the wealth man who can dodge bullets and is blessed by God.'"
"I'm still thinking if it's possible to physically eliminate him. What about his family? Is that an option?" Walter's eyes gleamed coldly.
"No chance. When he fought the Lanbu Company, that coward moved all his family to the West.
But their exact location is still unknown. One of his girlfriends is in Austria.
But the guy's a playboy—who knows if he cares about a girlfriend so far away?" James said.
"Damn, not like a young man at all," Gavin complained.
"Then think about physical elimination. Recently, many Jewish friends recommended someone who's supposedly very good at solving problems.
Let me call him."
Walter picked up the phone and dialed:
"Hello, Haimen Ross, this is Walter.
I want you to help me solve a problem, for the sake of our kinship."
Walter briefly explained Leo's situation.
After a long silence, Haimen Ross said,
"Mr. Walter, if you had called me last year, I might have been able to help. But now moving against Valentino means starting a war with the Italians.
That doesn't serve the interests of our whole ethnic group.
Sorry."
Walter hung up with a dark face.
"You picked the wrong person. Gavin, are there no better people in Chicago?" James asked.
Gavin shook his head,
"Chicago is also the Italians' turf. I tried before you came, but they all refused."
"Damn Italians. Then I'll try their enemies."
James called an Irish congressman under his command.
The congressman agreed promptly and guaranteed to complete the task.
"At the critical moment, you have to rely on me!" James said proudly, sitting back down.
But before he could enjoy Walter and Gavin's praise, the congressman called back in a panic:
"Mr. James, I'm sorry, but that gang was just wiped out by the new New York Italian godfather, Cremensha."