During the martial law period, Moscow implemented a curfew. After 7 p.m., the originally bustling streets became quiet. Occasionally, soldiers armed with Kalashnikov rifles could be seen patrolling the streets to prevent some rioters from sabotaging under the cover of night. Some buildings in Moscow had been attacked by unknown persons before, and they even burned vehicles. At the same time, the KGB agents and the secret police of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, known as the sword and shield of the Soviet Union, were searching for Yeltsin's supporters throughout the city. The assassination of the top leader of the Soviet Union gave them a legitimate reason to arrest those people. They attempted to cause riots and push these people completely to the opposite side of the people.
The heavy curtains in a house were slightly moved aside, and the bright light from inside the house illuminated the dim street through the remaining gap. A pair of small eyes with a frightened look were looking at every move of the dark world outside through the gap in the curtains, watching the future of this country with an uneasy look.
A bright beam of light dispelled the dark atmosphere. A car drove past the pair of eyes and headed into deeper darkness, like a huge ship that deviated from its course in the fog. The dim lights illuminated the dark and dangerous waters ahead, guiding the Soviet's direction of progress.
Nikolai Ivanovich Ryzhkov, who was sitting in the car at this time, had never felt such complicated emotions as today. From the news he heard on TV this morning that Gorbachev could not serve as General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, to the news that President Yeltsin committed suicide out of fear of crime in the afternoon, to the assassination of the new General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Yanaev by Yeltsin's supporters in the evening, the mood of the Soviet people in a day was like a roller coaster, with ups and downs, and their little hearts could not bear it at all.
However, Ryzhkov was very happy to hear that Yeltsin had died. He was squeezed by the Russian president and he had privately described Yeltsin as a Soviet mourner more than once. He also called him "a despicable villain who destroyed the empire with his own hands."
But before Rezhkov was about to wash up and go to bed, he unexpectedly received an invitation from General Secretary Yanaev to go to the Moscow Hospital. There was only a silent driver sent to pick up Rezhkov. So Rezhkov was now full of questions, wondering what Yanaev wanted to do.
Recalling his political career that just ended half a year ago, he gained nothing except offending Gorbachev and Yeltsin. That's why he resigned from the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers indignantly after Gorbachev abandoned his "Government Program".
So after the fall of Gorbachev and Yeltsin, did his chance come back again? Ryzhkov speculated in his mind the possibility that Yanayev would summon him and reappoint him as Minister of Economy.
The driver turned around and said to Ryzhkov, who was lost in thought, "Comrade Ryzhkov, we are at the hospital."
"Oh, OK." Rezhkov came back to his senses and looked up. He saw the courtyard full of KGB agents. They looked at him like a suspect, which made Rezhkov feel uncomfortable. The general secretary's security level has reached the highest level. In their eyes, anyone is a suspicious person.
After getting off the car, Plekhanov, the director of the KGB's Ninth Bureau who was in charge of the protection of the top leaders, came to greet him. He shook Ryzhkov's hand and said, "Long time no see, Comrade Ryzhkov. I haven't seen you since you resigned as Chairman of the Council of Ministers. How have you been recently?"
"Not very well. My health is as bad as the current situation of this country." Ryzhkov was not very familiar with Plekhanov, so he said perfunctorily, "I want to meet General Secretary Yanayev. Comrade Plekhanov, please lead the way."
"Of course, come this way." Plekhanov made a gesture of invitation.
After a brief greeting, Ryzhkov followed Plekhanov to the second floor, which was more heavily guarded. The moment he pushed the door open, the scene inside made Ryzhkov a little dazed. Not only Yanayev, but also Pavlov was there.
"You are here, Comrade Ryzhkov, come and sit down first." Yanaev greeted Ryzhkov enthusiastically. Ryzhkov, who was full of questions, sat next to Yanaev and asked about his injuries with concern. Yanaev smiled and said that he was fine, while looking at the appearance of the last savior of the Soviet economy. If it were not for Gorbachev's 500-day plan, according to Ryzhkov's "Government Program", the economic foundation of the Soviet Union would not have been quickly decayed in an ugly way. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Ryzhkov has not been doing well. He can only rely on writing memoirs of the disintegration of the Soviet Union to commemorate the glorious days and a lost red empire.
"Is there something important that the General Secretary and the Prime Minister summoned me for?" Ryzhkov asked cautiously.
"Of course." Yanayev said directly, "Our Politburo is ready to abolish Gorbachev and Yeltsin's so-called 500-day plan and reuse your Government Program. I hope we still have time to do this and make up for the stupid things Gorbachev did."
Prior to this, Gorbachev and Yeltsin reached an agreement to set up an expert group headed by Academician Shatalin, a member of the Presidential Advisory Committee, to formulate a 500-day plan for the transition of the Soviet Union to a market economy based on the Russian 500-day plan, namely "Transition to the Market - Concept and Program". In early September 1990, the group submitted this plan, which stipulated that the Soviet Union would "achieve drastic reforms" in 17 months along the direction of privatization and market-oriented reforms, at least 70% of industrial enterprises would be privatized and transformed into joint-stock companies, and at the same time encourage large-scale foreign investment to establish a new financial system based on private commercial banks and so-called "market guarantees". Its full name is "Shatalin-Yavlinsky 500-Day Plan".
When those fools who advocated private ownership were cheering for this plan, only Ryzhkov was clearly aware of what a terrible disaster would happen, but he was powerless to stop it, because public opinion and the government all stood on Yeltsin's side, and no one was willing to speak for him. So Ryzhkov could only choose to resign in silent protest.
Pavlov took over Yanayev's words and said to Ryzhkov, "So you will serve as the Minister of Economy of the Soviet Union to implement your cautious reform plan. Comrade Ryzhkov, do you have any comments on this?"
"You should seek help from someone else." After hearing what the Prime Minister said, Ryzhkov decided to retreat and strive for more initiative. "Reform is a very risky approach. Many measures will bring unpredictable consequences. So what I need is absolute guarantee that any measures I take will not be influenced by the top leaders or other people. And the most important point is, how can I, a person without power and position, become the Minister of Economy in the central government?"
Yanayev and Pavlov smiled at each other and said in unison, "This is a unanimous decision of the Politburo members. You will serve as the Minister of Economy."
"When you say this, does it give people the feeling that you are appointed by the emperor?" Rezhkov muttered in a low voice.
Seeing that he was still uneasy, Yanayev could only smile bitterly and assured, "Your position as Minister of Economy is only temporary, and we will transfer you to another position later. Today I am just telling you the news, and we will discuss the specific situation at another meeting. And I promise that your reform measures will be implemented. This is not the time for Gorbachev to speak. In September 1990, you watched the motherland fall into the abyss because of a bunch of idiots and people with ulterior motives, and you were powerless. But now I give you another chance, will you choose to save her without hesitation?"
"Of course I will."
Hearing Yanaev's words, Ryzhkov looked up at him, his eyes brighter and more determined than they had been during that desperate meeting in September 1990.