Chapter 560: Austria's Storm
Vienna.
In a second-floor music hall at Schönbrunn Palace, Countess Niklas was hosting a salon.
However, all the attending nobles knew this was orchestrated by Baron Walter, one of Vienna's most influential rising political stars.
Since Leopold II's coronation ceremony at the Vatican, Walter's status had surged thanks to his cousin Ludovika ascending as Empress.
The event's theme, "The Relationship Between Truth, Freedom, and God's Will," was all but ignored in favor of more pressing matters.
A rotund noble with small eyes and a powdered wig was speaking loudly:
"It's impossible for us to defeat the Prussians in the short term! The war in Silesia is nothing but a drain on the Empire's resources!"
"Exactly," another chimed in. "Deploying forces in Bavaria would yield ten times the benefits!"
"This is no time for a death struggle with Prussia! Everyone knows the state of our finances—if this continues, the serfs will rise again!"
The rotund noble grew more impassioned, railing against the Silesian campaign, then turned toward the Duke of Leeds, seated inconspicuously nearby:
"Your Grace, what do you think of my assessment?"
"Absolutely brilliant! Peace is what we all need, what every nation needs," the duke replied nonchalantly. He then turned to Baron Thugut and others:
"This suggests His Majesty recognizes that Austria's finances cannot sustain the ongoing conflict."
"Indeed," Thugut agreed, swirling his wine glass. "His Majesty has often described Breslau as a beast devouring his tax revenues."
"Then why not sue for peace?" asked the duke. "Prussia clearly has no desire to continue fighting either."
"There are many factors," Thugut replied. "For instance, the military longs for another victory like Liegnitz. You know, that battle elevated many careers—just look at Marshal Leo.
"The biggest obstacle, however, is Count Kaunitz and his faction, who loathe Prussia. They incessantly cry for 'reclaiming our land.' Anyone who dares mention peace risks being branded a traitor.
"They even incite nobles and commoners to petition His Majesty. His Majesty is already weary of them."
The newly appointed Assistant Minister of the Interior, Philipp von Kobenzl, added, "We must also consider Prussia's terms for peace. They will almost certainly demand Liegnitz, which His Majesty will never concede."
Liegnitz, captured during Joseph II's reign, was a symbol of Austrian pride. Leopold II knew that surrendering it so soon after his ascension would irreparably damage his reputation.
The key figures shaping Austria's political landscape exchanged somber glances, frustration evident. Their efforts to broker peace had borne no fruit, leaving them disheartened.
The Duke of Leeds contemplated briefly, then suggested:
"I might persuade Lord Grenville to mediate with Prussia.
"That leaves Count Kaunitz as the largest hurdle, correct?"
Kaunitz was a staunchly anti-Prussian, pro-French figure whose core political agenda was to dominate the German states and counter Prussia. His family's deep roots in Austrian politics and his decades-long service to three monarchs made him a formidable force, even for the emperor.
Kobenzl, sensing a new possibility, nodded:
"If Count Kaunitz's opposition were neutralized and the Liegnitz victory preserved, I'm confident I could sway the more hawkish generals."
Baron Walter, leveraging the empress's influence, had already rallied many pro-Prussian and anti-French factions. Kaunitz remained their most significant roadblock.
Thugut frowned. "But Count Kaunitz is notoriously obstinate. Persuading him to compromise will be incredibly difficult."
Baron Walter joined in, his frustration evident: "If only we could get rid of that old fool!"
Though brash and unpolished, Walter often echoed the empress's sentiments, making him a key player in such discussions.
The Duke of Leeds smiled and nodded at him.
"You're absolutely right, Baron. Sometimes the simplest and most direct solutions are the most effective.
"Let's explore ways to remove the State Minister from the political stage."
The others nodded in agreement but soon fell into contemplative silence. Austria lacked adept politicians capable of executing such maneuvers effectively—at least until Clemens von Metternich would later rise to guide Austria's "broken carriage."
With a sigh, the Duke realized this unpleasant task fell to him.
"Since Count Kaunitz insists on continuing the war," he said, "we should give him exactly what he wants—center stage.
"But if the front lines falter, or defeat seems imminent, he'll have to bear the political consequences..."
As the duke outlined his plan, the others lit up with enthusiasm.
"That's brilliant! It could work perfectly!"
"You're a genius, Your Grace. We must start preparations immediately."
"I'll handle Hungary. With your backing, I'll convince them!"
"I'll head to Prague—my mother is from there."
Prussia, Potsdam
King William II paced back and forth, hands clasped behind him, his expression oscillating between anger and uncertainty. Muttering to himself, he lamented,
"Damn it! Is this how allies are treated? Why are true friends, like Emperor Peter III, so rare?"
He referred to the Russian czar who had turned the tide of the Seven Years' War by abruptly allying with Prussia.
What William conveniently forgot was that Peter III's loyalty cost him his throne—and his life—when Catherine the Great seized power in a coup.
Nearby, Interior Minister Ludwig von Mencken followed cautiously, choosing his words with care:
"Your Majesty, given our current circumstances, launching an offensive to retake Liegnitz would be extremely difficult.
"Although it guards the Sudenten mountain passes, its economic output is modest. If the British can guarantee Breslau's security, our losses may not be as severe as they seem..."
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