"I heard that Your Excellency ordered a large amount of cotton in Georgia and also distributed it to many bankrupt plantation owners. Perhaps I should follow Your Excellency and meet with those plantation owners who sold the cotton," Feilloux suddenly suggested.
"Good!" Charles smiled and nodded. "And those lenders, let's all go meet them!"
This sir Feilloux finally understood.
His own economic capacity was limited, and his economic help wouldn't be very significant, but the advantage was that this method was still used by relatively few people. By spending a small amount of money, he could issue a large number of blank checks to win over voters.
Regardless, this Feilloux was the first important figure in Georgia to join his faction. Although he didn't show much talent beyond being pragmatic, even to attract other talented individuals, he should be properly supported. As for taking him to which plantations, that was even less of a problem. Even if he didn't say anything, before Charles found a suitable candidate to run for governor of Georgia in his place, he would still proactively introduce him to those who had benefited from him.
"However, Your Excellency Feilloux, I think we should now, as members of the consortium interest group, quickly develop our new strength in Georgia."
"Of course! Mr. Godfrey, I will certainly fulfill my duty in this regard!"
Looking at the submissive Feilloux, Charles smiled and led him to other members of the welcome banquet. The two collaborated and continued their lobbying and wooing efforts.
To support someone who had just joined the faction so much, even selflessly teaching him all the local political influence and campaign tactics he had just cultivated in Georgia, Charles was also helpless. After all, Georgia was not his home base. He couldn't stay there for a long time and could only seize the opportunity to train a usable talent. As for whether this person would betray him in the future, that was unpredictable.
However, even if Feilloux betrayed him immediately after he left Georgia and usurped the political power he had left behind, Charles was not without means to punish him. At the very least, he could deliver a heavy blow during the gubernatorial election. In fact, those economic policy propaganda tactics were only effective during the first election. Once everyone learned them, and every candidate issued blank checks, voters would become much more rational, and then different tactics would be needed.
Charles' lobbying trip in Georgia had an inherent obstacle: the issue of slavery.
As a future major slave state, whether Georgia should use slaves had always been a subject of great controversy. She once banned slavery, then reopened it, and ultimately, the pro-slavery system gained an absolute advantage. Supporting slavery was also a very good way to win people over. However, Charles had already freed slaves. Although he stated that he did not oppose Virginia's proposal, for the sake of his long-term reputation, it was still impossible for him to overturn his original political stance and turn to support slavery.
In such a situation, it was naturally unlikely for a politician who did not approve of slavery to win over those large slave owners.
Charles stayed in Georgia for a few days, fulfilling his duties of comforting the troops and visiting, completely settling the matters with Feilloux and the botanical garden, then returned to Philadelphia.
However, unlike the slow overland journey on the way there, the return trip was by French merchant ship heading north to Philadelphia, passing through Georgia.
After sailing for a few days, Charles finally arrived in Philadelphia before December.
Many significant events occurred during Charles' absence from Philadelphia.
To achieve a unified market as soon as possible, Charles, before leaving Philadelphia, deliberately published some articles promoting the concepts of nation and government in the "Pennsylvania Daily".
At this time, the "United States of America" was a very disorganized entity. This "nation" had neither a head of state nor a head of government, and not even a truly authoritative government. When the French Ambassador arrived in the United States, his attempt to offer a toast to the American head of state was full of errors and drew ridicule. The British even mocked Americans as "farmers," which had a basis, because at this time, Americans truly didn't know what constituted a real nation.
If it were merely the lack of a head of state and government, that would only be an inconvenience in diplomacy, but the incomplete functions of the government made leaders of consortia like Charles feel very inconvenienced. Currently, many powers that should be exercised by the government (such as declaring war, concluding treaties, leading diplomacy, and minting currency) were exercised by the Continental Congress. The power of the Continental Congress was actually very limited; for example, forming a navy, recruiting troops from various states, and resolving inter-state disputes required the agreement of two-thirds of the states, and it could not bear heavy responsibilities such as coordinating financial trade, regulating market circulation, or safeguarding national security.
Although with Charles' involvement, institutions such as the central bank and the Internal Revenue Service were established, strengthening the powers of the Continental Congress and making it look more like a government, it was still far from meeting the demands of Charles and other consortium leaders. Therefore, many of his articles in the newspaper, proposing the establishment of a true nation, immediately garnered support from northern consortium leaders, including the Federalist faction led by Adams, who also published articles echoing Charles' views.
The establishment of a functional government and the selection of official heads of functional departments had been put on the agenda several years earlier than in history due to Charles' actions.
The articles of confederation, passed in 1778, clearly had a rudimentary and transitional nature, being vague and even unclear on many fundamental issues. The most serious problem among them was whether the so-called "United States of America" was an alliance of independent sovereign states or a union of highly autonomous regions? That is to say, was it one sovereign nation, or a confederation of thirteen sovereign nations?
A confederation is not a league of nations, nor is it a States. In other words, under the confederation system, the united states had the nature of "semi-national" "states." The articles of confederation explicitly stipulated that these "states" retained their sovereignty, freedom, independence, territory, and rights, unless they agreed to partially grant these powers and rights to the confederation.
Such a form of government, even if a government were established, would have very little power.
The issue of nation-building was once again brought to the forefront.
During Charles' absence, the main topic of discussion in the Continental Congress was the intense debate between the democratic faction led by Jefferson and the federalist faction led by Adams, concerning whether to vote on the establishment of a federal nation.
While the confederation and States were in debate, another proposal also resonated loudly. Although it had few supporters, it did attract a lot of attention: someone proposed that a kingdom should be established. This proposal itself was too far removed from the political Claim of the war of Independence leadership, so it was not formally discussed. However, the question of who should be king, as an ambiguous option, was indeed lively for a while, with a large number of "urging to advance" activities. These were nothing more than some political opportunists, seeing the war of Independence about to succeed, deciding to support certain individuals to be king, and themselves becoming meritorious supporters.
—
Fortunately, in this war, due to Charles' military intervention, Washington's decisive influence did not emerge. And the achievements of other figures were basically very evenly distributed. No one in the post-war United States had absolute influence. In such circumstances, it was basically unlikely for those people to establish a "king."
However, at any time, anywhere, there is no lack of political ambitious individuals. Some openly proposed to emulate the electoral system of the Holy Roman Empire, dividing up vassal states and letting the meritorious officials of the war of Independence become the lords of various vassal states, who would then elect the official king.
Such a proposal, made in an era when the Holy Roman Empire was already in decline, could naturally only be ridiculed. At least none of the individuals who were being urged to ascend the throne dared to say that a king should indeed be "elected." They simply threw away all the letters urging them to become king or lord, without giving them any consideration.
On the contrary, when Charles saw this proposal, he secretly gasped. In fact, this was the system he most desired in his heart. Hehe, being a lord and electing a king, that was the typical Western medieval life. Unfortunately, the Middle Ages had passed, and it truly did not conform to the requirements of the times. Otherwise, he would definitely fully support this system.
In this debate over the establishment of a federal nation, although the leaders were Jefferson and Adams, the participants were not limited to their two sides. Even members within the two factions did not fully agree on this matter. Some members of the democratic faction advocated for the establishment of a federal nation, while some members of the federalist faction felt that the current confederation structure could be maintained.
In the more than a month that Charles was away from Philadelphia, several major debates had taken place. Adams even proposed in the Continental Congress that the thirteen states should immediately elect seventy-fThe Continental CongressRepresentatives to attend the Federal Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia to draft a national law as soon as possible. Although the election methods for the Constitutional Representatives and so on were still being discussed, its passage was only a matter of time.
Drafting a constitution was something everyone had long expected since the Declaration of Independence was issued.
After all, whether it was a loose confederation or a unified States, it must have a formal constitution. The Declaration of Independence and the articles of confederation were not formal constitutional documents. Drafting a constitution and then establishing a nation was the basic procedure, but because the war of Independence broke out passively, there was no time to hold a constitutional convention before entering the war. And during the war, there was no time to slowly elect constitutional representatives to convene a constitutional convention, so they could only simply issue a Declaration of Independence to declare the establishment of the nation. The formal constitution had been delayed. Now that the British had finally been driven out of the United States, it was certainly time to formally establish a constitution. Adams' proposal aligned with the common aspirations of all factions.
Before Charles arrived in Philadelphia, all parties had already reached a consensus on convening a constitutional convention. Including Charles' consortium interest group, represented by Morris, expressed agreement with this proposal. After Charles arrived, he just caught the formal vote. Without any doubts, Charles also cast an affirmative vote.
But after the meeting, Charles pulled Morris aside and expressed his dissatisfaction with the procedure of this constitutional convention.
"Morris, why are you so eager to agree to convene this constitutional convention? This method of freely electing representatives makes it impossible for the constitutional convention to proceed smoothly."
"How could that be?" Morris was very puzzled by Charles' reproach. "This is the same as the election and composition procedure of the Continental Congress. It should be met with widespread support and can be convened immediately. Moreover, almost all Continental Congress Representatives have voted in favor, so why would they turn around and obstruct the constitutional convention?"
"Alas! Think about it, who are the people currently opposing the States? If the main personnel of a certain state all oppose the establishment of a Federal Government, and they don't cooperate in electing the Continental Congress Representatives, and the election is delayed indefinitely, then when will our constitutional convention be able to convene?" Charles began to complain.
He was most eager to establish a States and then sell his products and obtain raw materials through a vast market. But in reality, many people did not want to convene a constitutional convention or draft a constitution immediately.
"Haha! There are indeed many people who oppose the establishment of a Federal Government, but we can discuss all issues slowly in the meeting during the constitutional convention. The debate might make the meeting last a long time, but the convening of the meeting itself should not be affected." Morris shook his head, disagreeing with Charles' speculation.
"The problem is the dispute over how Congress will be set up and organized during the constitution-making process. Currently, there are two diametrically opposed opinions on how seats should be allocated and arranged. Representatives from large states insist on democratic principles, advocating for a bicameral system, where members of the first chamber (House of Representatives) are elected by voters, and members of the second chamber (Senate) are elected by members of the first chamber, with seats in both chambers allocated proportionally to the population of each state. But people from the smaller states insist on republican principles, advocating for a unicameral system, with seats allocated by state, each state having one vote. Now, the large states have immense influence. In such a dispute, they might forcefully pass their own plan. The smaller states fear that participating in the constitutional convention would instead put them in a situation dominated by other populous states. How could they sincerely support it?" Charles worried.
Charles knew that historically, the Constitutional Convention, from before its convocation, had been fraught with difficulties, a process a hundred times harder than squeezing toothpaste.
In 1776, New Hampshire was the first to pass its own constitution, establishing its own "sovereign, free, and independent" government, and other British Colonies in America followed suit within two years.
For those smaller states, everything was accomplished once the Declaration of Independence declared that "these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States."
If the Constitutional Convention was about sharing power, they could participate, but if it was about someone else controlling them, they wouldn't even consider it.
They clearly saw the hidden objective behind the proposal to allocate power based on population and would absolutely not agree to other states using their population advantage to gain the right to govern them.
Morris was not concerned about Charles' worries, merely stating that he could assure the representatives of the smaller states that he would not agree to the larger states forcing through any measures, so they could feel at ease participating in the Constitutional Convention.
Furthermore, Adams proposed this matter, and Jefferson promoted it; these main proponents of the Confederation and Union were all eager to convene the Constitutional Convention, and would certainly spare no effort to push the states to elect Constitutional Convention representatives as soon as possible, so Charles had no need to worry at all.
Then he smiled and brought up another topic:
"Charles, there's another matter concerning our faction that must be decided quickly, otherwise, others will get ahead of us."
"What matter?" Charles asked.
He could do nothing about Morris' indifference to the preparations for the Constitutional Convention.
He could only strive to push it himself, to shorten the time delayed by those representatives as much as possible.
"It's about formally forming a party!" Morris said solemnly.
"This time, Samuel Adams, for some unknown reason, has been constantly instigating Jefferson and other faction members to establish a formal party, and many people support his proposal.
They are already discussing whether to use the Republican Party or the Democratic Party as the party name.
It's estimated that it won't be long before they formally announce the formation of their party!"
Charles was surprised; the Democratic faction was indeed moving fast.
However, historically, the party led by Jefferson was successfully established with only his individual push; now with Samuel also pushing from behind, it was understandable that it would be a bit faster.
However, neither he nor Morris had expected that Samuel Adams' active promotion of forming a formal political party was actually thanks to Charles.
The stimulus Charles gave him last time made him realize the role of a political party, which is why he spared no effort in promoting it.
"Haha! If they want to form a party first, let them.
When I went to inspect the troops in several southern states this time, I already recruited many promising new members.
When I head north, I plan to attract more members in the northern states where industry and commerce are more developed.
What we need is a powerful political party.
Once I have absorbed those northern industrialists and businessmen into the faction, we can then discuss whether to form a formal political party."
Charles was not in a hurry.
His target was Congress and the head of government; forming a party before these two formal elections would suffice.
"If they form a party first in Philadelphia, their influence in the Continental Congress and among the Philadelphia populace will certainly increase, which will cause their strength to expand rapidly, greatly disadvantaging our future development." Morris was not worried about the Constitutional Convention, but he was very concerned about the interests of his own faction.
"Isn't there also John Adams' Federalist faction? They should be making moves too, right?"
"Haha! Of course, our faction's strength at the top is comparable to Jefferson's Democratic faction, and at the grassroots, we definitely maintain a leading advantage.
However, Adams' Federalist faction does not have an advantage in any aspect.
If it weren't for the significant implications of formally establishing a party, he probably would have rushed to form one before Jefferson and his group.
Now, he is merely busy competing with Jefferson and them in various aspects, and also discussing internally whether to formally form a party." Morris laughed.
"Then I need to hurry and go north, inspect all the armies there, and by the way, try to bring as many outstanding political figures from each state into the consortium interest faction as possible.
By then, when members from all thirteen states collectively announce the formation of a party, both our influence and strength will far surpass Jefferson and Adams.
As for the party name, Morris, you'd best give Jefferson and his group a heads-up.
I think the name Republican Party should better fit our faction's political ideals, while for their Democratic faction, the name Democratic Party would naturally be more suitable!" Charles smiled.
Anyway, the party Jefferson founded eventually became the Democratic Party, so this time, I might as well help them change it in one go.
"Republican Party? Not bad, not bad, this name indeed aligns with the ideals of our consortium interest faction." Morris was very satisfied with the party name.
Historically, the opposition between America's Republican and Democratic parties began to form around the time of the Civil war, but the opposing political views of the two parties have always changed with the shifting main contradictions of society.
Just as during the Civil war, the Democratic Party advocated compromise with the South, while Lincoln of the Republican Party advocated the emancipation of slaves, beginning to form more opposing party ideals; before and after World war I and World war II, it shifted to the Republican Party siding with large consortia, while the Democratic Party sided with the middle and lower classes, which truly aligned with Charles' current faction's situation; by the early 21st century, it became difficult to say which specific class they stood with, and the main contradiction instead became opposing or supporting the Iraq war.
The party concepts popular in the 18th century were mainly democracy and republicanism; there were no specific party ideals.
In fact, even if Charles said his party aligned with the "democratic" ideal and should be named the Democratic Party, Morris would still find it suitable.
The only real ideological conflict between parties at that time was advocating federal centralization versus opposing federal centralization, but the anti-federal idea quickly vanished after the States was established, basically ceasing to exist.
"If you think it's feasible, then we can also internally deliberate on the matter of forming a party first." Charles suggested to Morris.
"Of course! This was originally what I intended to suggest to you.
I have already discussed it with Hamilton, General Sullivan, and several other key faction members.
We plan for a few of our core members to first discuss the specific arrangements, and then announce the formation of the party." Morris smiled.
"Okay, coincidentally, the matter of the Constitutional Convention also needs to be discussed thoroughly.
Let's all gather at my place tonight." Charles also nodded in agreement.
The two then walked out of Independence Hall together.
And the envoy, holding the Continental Congress' letter, preparing to ride to the states to convey the Continental Congress' request for each state to elect representatives for the Constitutional Convention, also quickly left Independence Hall and hurried to the states.
Upon returning to the castle, Charles immediately had Tom and others prepare for the core faction meeting that evening, purchasing snacks, fine wine, tobacco, and so on, while Charles himself went to greet countess Diana, who had been waiting for his return.
"Diana, did you have a good afternoon? Why didn't you rest a bit longer in your room?" Charles smiled and kissed Diana's lips.
During the more than a month Charles was away from Philadelphia, inspecting the South, Diana fell ill with a melancholia popular among noble ladies at the time, due to missing Charles.
She lost her appetite and became much thinner.
"En, I feel much better as soon as you returned.
It's nice and sunny today, so I was just basking outside!" Diana responded gently, happy with Charles' concern.
"Then you must recover soon, otherwise, when your father and mother return from Canada and see that I've made their precious daughter thin, they will surely blame me!"
"Hehe, you don't have to worry about that.
My father's reply has already been brought over from Canada by a neutral merchant ship.
He is very grateful for you taking me in and helping me, and he said that as soon as the peace treaty is signed, he will immediately return to Philadelphia to thank you in person!"
"Haha!" Charles felt a little embarrassed hearing that.
Although he had saved her daughter, he had actually secretly 'eaten' her daughter.
However, it wasn't about eating and wiping clean, but about planning to marry her and continue 'eating' her in the future.
"Isn't your father planning to return immediately?"
"En! I heard that because British General Benedict retreated to their area, large vessels are now prohibited from entering and leaving the port.
They want to come over, but there are no ships they can take.
This letter was entrusted to someone during a humanitarian supply stop for a passing neutral merchant ship." Diana nodded.
"That's good too, safety first." Charles also nodded.
Benedict had ultimately escaped from Portsmouth, and although the American-French combined fleet had discovered the British fleet's trace, their pursuit was not timely enough, allowing the British fleet, primarily cruisers, to successfully break through with Benedict.
Charles had already learned about the naval battle from the Military and Ordnance Committee.
The American-French combined fleet and several large warships of the British fleet exchanged fire for two rounds, but due to being beyond optimal range, neither side sustained any damage.
The American-French combined fleet could only watch helplessly as the British fleet entered Halifax Harbor in Canada.
The fleet attempted to break into the harbor several times to pursue, but was repelled by the British fleet utilizing the harbor's shore batteries.
Finally, they could only emulate the British, blockading Halifax Harbor and prohibiting large British vessels from entering or exiting.
"Are you leaving again after you return this time? I heard that with Halifax Harbor under siege, the residents' lives are very difficult.
I plan to go to Philadelphia to buy some things and have someone bring them to my father." Diana looked at Charles with anticipation.
Charles immediately understood Diana's meaning and nodded:
"Okay, I will help you purchase and ship them; that shouldn't be a problem.
However, in a few days, I still need to go north to visit and comfort the Continental army there after their battles."
Diana's face was still smiling when she heard the first half of the sentence.
After hearing the latter half, knowing that Charles was still leaving, a hint of melancholy immediately appeared on her face.
Although melancholia was a common ailment among noble ladies, Diana's sadness was primarily due to Charles not being by her side.
Ever since Charles saved her, her dependence on him had become very deep.
Seeing that trace of uncontrollable sorrow on Diana's face, Charles felt a pang in his heart and whispered to comfort her:
"I will stay here with you for a few more days, and then I will go north."
Diana suddenly threw herself into Charles' arms, sobbing:
"Take me with you.
I don't want to stay alone in this castle.
Being here, I always think of you, of father, and of everyone else."
Charles also felt a pang of sadness.
However, he was very clear that traveling in this era was not a particularly safe endeavor.
Just like last time when he took Diana to Louisiana, that boat trip almost made Diana fall ill.
This journey north to several states would involve even more exhausting carriage travel, and it was now the cold winter; Diana's current physique would certainly not be able to endure it.
"Forget it! I'll talk to the Continental Congress and see if someone else can be assigned to go instead!"
Charles was truly not the kind of hero who valued power over beauty.
In his eyes, family and affection were far more important than anything else.
He couldn't bring himself to cause worry to his family for a political action that wouldn't have a decisive impact, so he ultimately softened his heart and decided to cancel his trip to inspect the North.
He had already thought of a reason: it was almost December, and the roads might be blocked by heavy snow, making travel inconvenient.
"Really? Is that okay?" Diana lifted a tear-streaked face.
"Haha!" Charles smiled, wiping away Diana's tears from her face, "Of course, once I say it, I won't change my mind.
If I were to go this time, I probably wouldn't even be able to spend Christmas with you, so I decided to stay.
The matters in the North will be left to others."
It also provided an opportunity to resolve matters in Philadelphia; many unexpected things had happened in Philadelphia during the more than a month he had been away.
"That's wonderful!" Diana threw herself into Charles' arms again.
The hall of the earl's castle was filled with core members of the consortium's interest faction: Continental Congress Representatives led by Morris and Wilson, as well as major merchants, Bankers, and factory owners from Philadelphia; low- and mid-level Continental Congress officials led by Alexander Hamilton; a small number of military generals led by General Sullivan; a small number of Pennsylvania state assemblymen led by Assemblyman Bonis; and representatives from the United States who came to Philadelphia for study and training, such as governor Patrick.
Previously, without a formal gathering, it was impossible to accurately gauge the strength of Charles' faction. Only today, with everyone gathered, looking at the distinguished figures around them, could they truly appreciate the power of this faction.
Charles looked with satisfaction at the room full of influential figures. Each of them held significant influence in certain areas, yet now they stood united, ready to speak with one voice. Charles believed that if the struggle was not limited to the Continental Congress, but extended to the entire America political arena, his consortium's interest faction would undoubtedly be the strongest political force currently.
Although General Sullivan, upon joining the faction, greatly desired to be Charles' deputy leader, in reality, the second-in-command of the entire faction had always been Morris, the Continental Congress' most important financial official. This Banker politician was slightly superior to General Sullivan in both ability and prestige.
As per Charles' hint, today's meeting was also presided over by Morris, the second-in-command.
"Gentlemen, I have called you here today, firstly, to coordinate our faction's stance for the upcoming Constitutional Convention; and secondly, for another matter which perhaps you have already guessed. Our main competitors in the Continental Congress, the Democratic faction and the Federalist faction, are both preparing to formally reorganize into political parties. We should also discuss the further development of our faction," Morris began his opening remarks.
The original quality of the members of the consortium's interest faction was generally good, but since the expansion of grassroots members, the quality had become somewhat uneven. Before Morris had even finished speaking, several people had already started to chime in and interrupt.
"Are we also going to form a political party? That's great!"
"Yes! Yes! With the strength of our faction, we should have formed a political party long ago."
The high-ranking officials, who originated as Continental Congress members like Morris, looked helplessly at those few chattering members. They felt that while they were all core members, the quality of these people was clearly too poor. They even considered suggesting to Charles that in the future, core members should be strictly distinguished, and these lower- and middle-level individuals should suffice as peripheral members.
"Let's first discuss the Constitutional Convention. The meeting itself is not yet important, but the selection of Continental Congress Representatives is already imminent. The election in the United States should be fine, as the main political figures there are all members of our consortium's interest faction. However, for the Pennsylvania election, we need to discuss whether our faction should organize and monopolize all the representative slots, or allow for free elections, letting public opinion decide? Please speak in turn. We are all representatives of the faction, and our words and actions should be as proper and orderly as possible." Charles, the leader, dared not feign profundity any longer and had to speak up.
This was because the few people who had rashly spoken out in response to Morris were mainly United States officials he had brought, and also a few talented officials recruited by Hamilton.
"Haha! Indeed," Morris was the first to interject, "While matters of etiquette should not Dianad us free Americans, for the sake of convenience, we should adhere to various regulations as much as possible. Perhaps after we form a party, we can establish formal meeting rules?"
After speaking, he turned his head towards Charles, seeking his opinion.
Charles indeed shook his head. Establishing rules would formalize the meeting, which would undoubtedly be unfavorable to the development of a democratic atmosphere. As for those who spoke out of turn, they simply needed to be kept out of the upper echelons as much as possible in the future.
Subsequently, everyone began to speak in turn about the election of Constitutional Convention representatives, with opinions divided between supporting the monopolization of all candidate slots and opposing it.
Although the majority supported monopolizing the slots, and the proposal was passed by a show of hands, Charles still interjected temporarily:
"Perhaps with our strength, and with the entire faction working together, we should be able to monopolize all the representative slots for the Constitutional Convention. However, I hope that in this election, we must elect sir Franklin, who is currently returning to the United States from France. This old sir, who has not yet joined our faction, is absolutely the most outstanding figure in Pennsylvania, and we should not overlook him. An old statesman like him should participate in the nation-building and constitutional convention for which he has struggled for half his life. This is his right, and it is also the honor the United States owes him."
"Excellent! Excellent! We must support sir Franklin no matter what. Moreover, with such a venerable person representing Pennsylvania, the opinions of Pennsylvania can be more effectively voiced at the Constitutional Convention," Morris immediately agreed.
His relationship with Franklin was, relatively speaking, even a little better than Charles'.
With both leaders speaking thus, others naturally dared not voice any major objections.
After passing the decision to monopolize the candidate slots for the Constitutional Convention, the next step was to determine the specific list of candidates. Many core members from Pennsylvania wanted to serve as representatives in the Constitutional Convention, but now one slot had already been taken by Franklin, so the competition for the remaining slots naturally intensified.
Finally, after coordination and voting, the faction ultimately selected six individuals, led by Morris and Wilson.
In fact, these few individuals were basically representatives of the Continental Congress. Without the support of the faction, they would still have had no major problems getting elected. Now, they simply had more assurance.
"As for the matter of us forming a party, it is actually best to only consider it after the faction members reach the greatest possible consensus. After all, this concerns the political future of each of us. If it is merely a loose political party, then our current factional organizational form will suffice, and there is no need to establish a formal political party. Therefore, we can discuss in advance here what kind of political party's ideology, party charter, and so on. How do you all think it should be decided?" He asked for their opinions on forming a political party.
This was something that had been hesitated over from the beginning: whether to form a club-style political party or a tightly organized one. Charles had been unable to make a choice until now, so this time he simply put the choice before the meeting, to see everyone's opinions and make a democratic choice.
"A political party must, of course, be more organized than our current faction. At the very least, we should adopt a member registration system, registering each formal member as a member of the party. As for other things, I don't think they matter, as long as we adhere to our party's stance. First, we compete peacefully internally, elect the party's representatives, and then, in the name of the party, fully support the winners to participate in statewide and United States elections," Morris stated his opinion.
He supported the club system.
These matters truly had to be discussed first. If the faction was reorganized into a political party merely for the sake of competing with other factions in the Continental Congress, then that political party would likely dissolve after one term of Continental Congress Representatives.
Some others agreed with Morris' opinion, while some believed they should go further, preferably with restrictions such as not being allowed to withdraw once joining the party. As for party platforms, charters, and the like, no one even brought them up.
Charles smiled as he watched everyone about to engage in a heated debate over whether to allow free entry and exit from the political party, and he felt a chuckle in his heart.
These people, who had just tasted the benefits of democracy and republicanism, indeed had a much weaker grasp of political struggle and political systems than later generations. No one even proposed a party platform, which is the most effective way to unite people. Even if this political party were established, it would likely be very disunited.
However, on the other hand, he himself didn't really want to propose a very strong platform, especially certain political platforms that were unlikely to be achieved in the short term. Making a nascent political party strive for an unlikely goal would be like burdening it with a heavy cross. At least, he, as the future party leader, was absolutely unwilling to bear that kind of responsibility, even if this political goal was merely a slogan to win votes.
"Gentlemen, what do you think is the clear political ideology of our faction and future political party? Is it to act in the spirit of democracy, uniting to seek benefits for members, or to act in the spirit of republicanism, to secure rights and interests for our party members? I think this is closely related to our faction's stance in the upcoming Constitutional Convention," Charles posed several questions to make these hotly debating people think carefully.
"Ideology?" Many people did not understand.
"It is only by embracing the same ideology that we can stand together. Our current political ideology should be to unite all of us representatives in the Continental Congress, to speak with one voice, and to oppose those who disregard the interests of our industrial and commercial enterprises and banking consortia, right? Hmm, perhaps after forming a party, it should be changed to upholding this ideology throughout the United States." Morris, after all, was an old politician and understood these things very well.
"As for whether it is the spirit of democracy or the spirit of republicanism, in fact, the two are inseparable. From the perspective of Pennsylvania's interests, we naturally advocate democracy; from the perspective of the entire nation, we can also support republicanism. Advocating both democracy and republicanism, perhaps our party should promote this ideology." Official Wilson also expressed his view.
"Haha! Democracy and Republicanism? I just told Morris today that our political party could be called the Republican Party in the future, and Jefferson's Democratic faction could be called the Democratic Party!" Charles laughed.
"Then do you mean that at the Constitutional Convention, we should support the proposals of the smaller states, implementing a system of one representative per state based on republican principles?" Wilson immediately pressed.
As the faction leader, Charles' influence within the entire faction was too strong, already completely capable of swaying the opinions of other members. Wilson, as someone who adhered to democratic principles, had to inquire cautiously.
"No! Indeed, as you said, democracy and republicanism are inseparable. Therefore, I advocate that when discussing the issue of Congress in the Constitutional Convention, our faction should insist on a bicameral system. The difference, however, is that one chamber adheres to republican principles, with each state sending the same number of representatives, while the other chamber adheres to democratic principles, with representatives elected based on the population ratio of all states nationwide." Charles directly adopted the historical United States Congressional system.
This was unavoidable. If he only had Pennsylvania, he would certainly support dividing power entirely according to population ratio. But now there was also the vast and sparsely populated United States, which he was already preparing to propose splitting into several smaller states at the Constitutional Convention. In that case, allocating quotas by state would naturally be more advantageous. Even if the populations of these states would eventually catch up, he would certainly suffer in the short term, so it would be better to directly follow the principle of balancing democracy and republicanism.
"If that is the proposal, then I have no objection," Wilson nodded.
While such a balance of republicanism and democracy might not fully satisfy him, it was at least within his scope of compromise. Indeed, as later generations commented, the United States Constitutional Convention was a huge political compromise. It was a compromise between large and small states, and also a compromise between republicanism and democracy. In reality, the final constitution did not fully satisfy any one party, but it also did not make them lose completely. However, these representatives all insisted on not letting the nation split, so in the end, they all signed it.
The historical approval rate of the United States Constitution was only fifty-five percent, the lowest among all nation-founding documents. But ironically, it was the most stable one. The few subsequent constitutional amendments in later generations were made very cautiously, trying as much as possible not to alter the original provisions.
"This is indeed an excellent idea! And I think calling ourselves the Republican Party is also a very appropriate name," Morris also agreed with this approach.
"How do you all feel about the name 'Republican Party'?" Charles asked the others with a smile.
There were no issues with this; everyone supported using the name Republican Party as the official name for their faction's future transformation into a political party.
Regarding the choice of stance in the Constitutional Convention, others had some disagreements.
At least those from New York wanted to divide future congressional seats based on population ratio; however, people from sparsely populated United States mainly believed that the republican system should be adhered to.
However, in the end, both sides still had to compromise like a regular Constitutional Convention, so the result was to choose to support Charles' plan.
After the main agenda of the meeting concluded, Morris asked each core member to write down their opinions on forming a political party in a formal written letter and submit it to Charles.
"By the way, sirs, I have to announce something.
As winter is approaching and the Constitutional Convention is about to convene, my trip north to boost morale at this time would obviously be very inconvenient.
Therefore, I plan to propose to the Continental Congress to cancel my recent northern inspection tour.
However, this also means that our goal of attracting some northern industrialists and merchants to our faction cannot be realized.
So, I would like to ask if any of the members present are willing to voluntarily take on this responsibility and make a trip north this cold winter for the expansion of our faction in the north?"
Just as Morris was about to announce the end of the meeting, Charles suddenly brought up the matter of him not going north.
Whether or not to go on the morale-boosting trip was not a big deal, but the propaganda and lobbying efforts in the north for the development of the grassroots power of the consortium's interest faction was a matter related to the long-term development of the entire faction.
Farsighted people all knew that this could not be overlooked, so several people immediately stood up and responded:
"I'll go! I'll go!"
Charles looked around and saw that, apart from a few individuals like Morris who were running for Continental Congress Representatives elections, other leading core members such as Hamilton, General Sullivan, and Bonis had basically all expressed their willingness to go.
For those going north, this was not only a matter of sharing the burden with the faction leader Charles, but also very beneficial for their own future development within the faction and even the entire political arena.
Although it could not be said that developing those grassroots members would make them all listen to him, the identity of a faction introducer would more or less bring some benefits to everyone.
It is estimated that if Morris and others did not have their own matters, they would certainly have stood up and offered to help Charles.
"Haha! Thank you all for your enthusiasm, but I don't think everyone needs to go north.
There's also a lot of work that can be done in Philadelphia." Charles smiled as he looked around.
At least half of these people who want to go north must be driven by their own political ambitions.
"Mr. Godfrey, I think you can propose to the Continental Congress that I replace you in comforting the northern army.
Anyway, Philadelphia is very safe on land now, and there is also an allied fleet at sea, so I, as the garrison commander, basically have no important matters and happen to have this time.
I don't think anyone else here is more free than me?" General Sullivan laughed.
As a military figure, it was indeed more appropriate for him to replace Charles.
The young Hamilton immediately stated his reasons:
"Your Excellency, I once served in General Washington's army, from Boston all the way to New York.
These two major cities are the places I am most familiar with, and I am also very suitable for boosting morale.
Moreover, I happen to have some old affairs that need to be handled, please allow me to go north with General Sullivan."
Charles looked at the others, who didn't have any formal reasons.
Charles still valued Hamilton very much; this outstanding individual, similar in age to himself, was a presidential figure who never became president.
As long as he didn't duel like he did in history, he wouldn't die young and should be the friend most likely to cooperate with him in politics for a lifetime.
Therefore, training him was something Charles had always been doing.
"Alright! I will propose to the Continental Congress that General Sullivan, accompanied by Mr. Hamilton, go to the northern states to comfort the troops on my behalf.
As for your true mission, I think I don't need to say more." Charles agreed with a smile.
"Hahahaha..."
Others had no objection to the choice Charles personally made.
Only Morris, who had originally been responsible for the Philadelphia faction's affairs on behalf of Charles, had a momentary change of expression, but then seemed to understand something and smiled with relief.
On the last day of November 1778, the consortium's interest faction held its first formal organized meeting at earl Rogers's castle, where Charles resided, primarily discussing the Constitutional Convention and the development of their own faction.
However, because they believed the content involved was not sensitive, their meeting had no secrecy measures, so it spread throughout Philadelphia that very night.
In contrast to ordinary people who merely listened and moved on, the other two major factions in the Continental Congress, Jefferson's Democratic Party and Adams' Federalist, were both worried about the meeting Charles had convened.
A while ago, when Charles was absent, they had gained the upper hand in Philadelphia.
Now that Charles was so eager to summon so many elites from the consortium's interest faction, was he preparing to launch a counterattack?
Several people who had taken advantage of Charles' absence to kick the consortium's interest faction when it was down were even more worried that Charles would retaliate.
That night, many people in Philadelphia did not sleep well!
On December 1st, the Continental Congress adjourned.
Charles was entertaining guests at home, but Morris and several other representatives of the consortium's interest faction excitedly came to find Charles, telling him that Jefferson's Democratic Party had also held a full meeting today, and someone at the meeting had shouted, "Form a party, today!"
They believed that the Democratic Party was indeed preparing to preemptively form a political party.
To this, Charles still repeated his old saying, letting them form it first.
As Morris and others expected, that evening, the Democratic Party led by Jefferson officially announced the formation of a political party in a small tavern, with the party's name still being the historical Democratic-Republican Party.
The Democratic-Republican Party adopted a membership registration system, but it did not restrict members' actions, allowing free entry into the party, and had no strict party platform, only some basic individual rules for members, making it a club-style political alliance.
The day after Jefferson announced the formation of the Democratic-Republican Party, Adams' Federalist also eagerly announced the formation of a political party.
As for the party name, it was naturally the Federalist Party.
The Federalist Party's organizational form basically copied the Democratic Party, also being a club-style liberal party.
The time, place, and background were completely different from history, and even the members and political goals of the parties were different, but the names of the parties were still the original historical ones.
Charles also found such a coincidence amusing.
However, he believed that once his faction's Republican Party name was announced, at least Jefferson might still change the party name to the Democratic Party.
The emergence of these two political parties immediately caused a huge stir in Philadelphia's political arena.
After forming formal political parties, both parties immediately began to rapidly expand their membership.
They were no longer limited to Continental Congress Representatives, but like the consortium's interest faction, they also accepted ordinary political figures into the party, and even highly influential social figures such as newspaper editors, combat influencers, and commentary writers were actively lobbied to join the party.
Due to the free system, one only needed to register to become a party member, so the number of members of both parties began to grow rapidly.
Charles attached great importance to this aspect and immediately asked Morris and Wilson, the other two main figures in the faction, to obtain the expanded membership lists of the two parties.
In the Democratic-Republican Party, a young man's name appeared that made Charles a little worried.
—
James Monroe, an American bourgeois democrat, historically the fifth President of the United States, and the primary architect of America's policy towards Latin America, i.e., the Monroe Doctrine.
Monroe was born in Monroe Bay, Westmoreland County, Virginia, and was successively appreciated by Washington and Jefferson, two great Virginians.
During the Defense of Philadelphia led by Charles, he was also appreciated by Charles, but unfortunately, he ultimately chose to follow Jefferson's democratic ideals.
Knowing Monroe's future political achievements, Charles was naturally worried that this fellow would pose a challenge to his own party.
Monroe was the first person outside the Continental Congress recruited by Jefferson after he announced the formation of the Democratic-Republican Party, and this individual was indeed a future president in history.
As a formal political party, the Democratic-Republican Party had already begun to pose a huge challenge to the grassroots power of the consortium's interest faction in Philadelphia.
Relatively speaking, no names appeared in the Federalist Party that particularly worried Charles.
Even if there were some outstanding historical figures of America among them, they were already beyond Charles' scope of knowledge.
Charles was not a native-born American; apart from those several Mr. Presidents and particularly famous historical figures, Charles did not know who the future Secretary of State or officials would be.
However, thinking of future presidents, Charles immediately thought of another person.
James Madison, historically the fourth President of the United States.
He was born in Port Conway, Virginia, and was an outstanding American political philosopher, a founder of the U.S. Constitution, and co-authored The Federalist Papers with John Jay and Alexander Hamilton, earning him the title "Father of the Constitution."
His advocacy for human rights and the doctrine of separation of powers remain guiding principles of the U.S. Constitution to this day.
Charles had long wanted to win over such a historical great man, but unfortunately, this future president was already quite old and had achieved a very high political status before Charles appeared in Philadelphia.
Although his political ideals were very similar to Charles', because he had good relationships with Adams and others, he did not agree to join the consortium's interest faction.
However, historically, this figure, who co-authored The Federalist Papers with Hamilton, ultimately chose to join Jefferson in co-founding and leading the Democratic-Republican Party, which led to the formation of a two-party political system in the United States.
At this time, he had not joined the Democratic-Republican Party, so Charles still had a chance.
"Mr. Morris, Mr. Wilson, please come with me to see Mr. James Madison.
No matter what, we must win him over to our faction, our future political party!" Charles stated solemnly.
The Democratic-Republican Party had Jefferson and Monroe, and the Federalist Party had Adams; it could be said that both already had their respective future presidents.
If Washington, who leaned towards Adams, was added, the two parties roughly evenly divided the two future presidents.
Charles looked at his own faction; although powerful, with many historical elites, everyone seemed to be one step away from the presidential seat.
Regardless of the consideration, he had to try his best to secure a future president for the faction.
And among the first five presidents of the United States, only James Madison remained.
Morris and Wilson did not know why Charles suddenly wanted to bring James Madison into the faction so much, but they also knew that Mr. Madison was indeed very capable, so they did not object, and the group hurried to Madison's residence in Philadelphia.
The Virginian had just seen off a group of guests and was standing at the door before entering the house.
Seeing Charles and the others alight from the carriage, he immediately smiled and greeted them.
"Good afternoon! Mr. Godfrey, Your Excellency Morris, Your Excellency Wilson!" Madison took off his hat and bowed to each of them.
Charles and the others returned the greeting in turn.
"Respected Mr. Madison, we have come especially to visit you today!"
"Oh!" James Madison smiled knowingly, "I just saw off two groups of guests.
There are indeed many visitors today!"
"Haha! Was it Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams?" Charles immediately reacted.
It seems that he wasn't the only one who recognized Madison's abilities.
However, Jefferson and Adams probably didn't realize that Madison might become president in the future, so their efforts to win him over would certainly not be as zealous as his own.
Morris and Wilson's expressions changed upon hearing Charles' words, and they quickly looked at Madison.
Madison nodded, confirming Charles' guess.
"Indeed, they discussed matters of the Constitutional Convention with me, but my views differ from theirs."
Hearing this, Charles breathed a sigh of relief.
At least Madison should not have been won over by those two parties yet; now it was up to him and the others.
"Mr. Madison, may we go inside and have a good talk? Morris and I would also like to discuss the Constitutional Convention and the Constitution with you.
And we would like to invite you to stand with us to promote the early adoption of the Constitution," Charles stated his request directly.
Madison blinked, not answering Charles' invitation, but simply extending his hand towards the house:
"Discussing the Constitution with people is always something I love! sirs, please come in!"
The group entered the house and sat down. Madison did not have servants to entertain his guests, but instead prepared wine and other drinks for Charles and the others himself.
However, those who came to visit him were not there to drink wine at his house, and they did not care about the hospitality. After a few polite exchanges, they all sat down.
"Mr. Madison, the Constitutional Convention is already being prepared, and it will be officially convened in a few months.
You are also an authority in law and democratic theory; what do you think our Constitution should be like?" Wilson, the future first Secretary of State, asked first.
"Haha! This Constitution is different from ordinary laws. Ordinary laws restrict individual actions, while the Constitution is a fundamental law concerning national construction and regulating various government departments.
Therefore, this law must be cautious, and even more cautious!" Madison did not answer directly.
Everyone understood his implied meaning: how could such a cautious law be predetermined by him alone?
"Then what does Mr. Madison mean we should do? The Constitutional Convention will be held soon. It can't be that everyone discusses it directly without any direction, can it?" Morris also interjected.
He was cooperating like this simply to facilitate Charles or Wilson in stating their faction's ideology.
"Of course, it's impossible to discuss it directly without direction. We haven't enacted a constitution, but haven't we seen the constitutions of other countries? At the very least, we can refer to the existing constitutions of various countries and discuss them one by one according to their provisions." Madison almost rolled his eyes at Morris.
"But most other countries in the world are monarchies, and their constitutions are also characteristic of monarchies. Does sir also support the monarchical system?" Charles teased with a chuckle.
At this, Madison was truly so angry he almost rolled his eyes.
"As representatives of our Continental Congress, we all accept democratic ideals. How could we possibly allow a monarch to lord over us?
Mr. Godfrey, I know many people support Your Excellency as the king of the United States, but I imagine Your Excellency would not truly accept the title of king, would you?"
"Haha! Of course not, I have never thought of being king. I support the democratic system and advocate for the doctrine of separation of powers." Charles immediately stated his position.
He came this time to recruit this future President for the future development of his faction, so he naturally couldn't let the other party misunderstand him for no reason.
Although it is difficult to guarantee that Madison will still secure the presidency in the future due to his own existence, at least as a historical President, his potential influence and luck are certainly still very high, and recruiting him is very cost-effective.
Moreover, as the "Father of the Constitution," his influence during the constitutional period and when the principles of the Constitution were first being formulated far exceeded his later time as President.
Bringing such a person into his faction would undoubtedly be excellent propaganda material, and it would show immediate results.
As for whether he would let him represent his faction to run for President in the future, that would depend on their specific performance in the future and his own wishes at that time.
"Exactly, we believe that since a Constitutional Convention is being held, the separation of powers and democratic principles should be preset conditions for the Constitutional Convention to formulate the Constitution." Wilson, representing the financial interest faction, stated the preset position.
"And Republican principles. Upholding democratic republicanism, and also the separation of powers." Charles added.
Madison nodded. He had always agreed with the position expressed by Charles' faction.
However, this alone could not immediately make him fully affectionate, shouting and clamoring to join the financial interest faction.
"Mr. Godfrey, Your Excellency Wilson, and Your Excellency Morris, I have long heard about the disagreements between your factions and the Democratic-Republican Party and the Federalist Party in the Continental Congress.
I greatly appreciate your existence; the separation of powers, with three parties, can achieve the greatest degree of checks and balances."
"Then, Mr. Madison, have you ever considered choosing one of the parties to join?" Morris asked with a smile.
"Yes, if possible, I would like to represent the financial interest faction, the future Republican Party, and formally invite Your Excellency James Madison to join our organization!" Charles, as the faction leader, formally extended the invitation to Madison.
"This..." Madison's face showed some hesitation; he was reluctant to agree.
Wilson and Morris both showed a hint of impatience. With the three leaders of their faction present, Madison was still unwilling to accept the invitation, so it seemed there was little hope.
However, Charles, seeing Madison's reaction, did not mind. Instead, he continued to ask warmly:
"Does Mr. Madison have any concerns? Or do you feel that you don't understand our party, or perhaps our party's political philosophy simply doesn't align with the position you have always held?"
"Haha! Mr. Godfrey, just now the Democratic-Republican Party and the Federalist Party both sent representatives to invite me to join, and I have already refused without hesitation.
If I didn't want to join your faction, I would certainly refuse clearly. However, I originally didn't want to join any political party, planning to be an independent free politician, overseeing others to abide by the Constitution and democratic principles, and had no intention of serving any party.
But now that your three parties have continuously extended invitations to me, it makes me very difficult, doesn't it?" Madison spread his hands helplessly.
Charles indeed chuckled inwardly. Wasn't it just complaining that if he didn't join a party, he would lack influence, be suppressed by the three major parties, or be marginalized?
Such a situation would be a huge disaster for any ambitious politician. And as a future President in history, how could Madison not have political ambition?
"If Your Excellency Madison is willing to join our faction, I can guarantee, as the leader of the faction, that you will hold at least a Secretary of State-level position in the new government after the Constitution is enacted." Charles had to offer some tangible benefits.
As soon as these words were spoken, the expressions of Madison, Morris, and Wilson all changed dramatically.
In fact, Charles had tried to persuade Madison several times before, but without success. Charles calculated that the only tactic he hadn't used was offering tangible benefits.
Knowing that merely discussing political ideals would not sway him, Charles finally gritted his teeth and resorted to temptation.
Although this tactic was very effective, such a political promise was actually not convenient to make face-to-face, as it might make Madison feel that inviting him to join the faction was merely an exchange of political interests, and he would no longer be willing to believe in his faction's political ideals.
But now Charles brought it up in front of others, which showed that Charles was indeed sincere enough and had no intention of going back on his word, and perhaps this sincerity could move Madison.
At first, Madison was indeed somewhat angry at Charles' blatant temptation. But noticing the sincerity in Charles' tone, he was also moved.
His expression was complex, and he remained silent.
"Of course, these promises can only be fulfilled after our faction gains leadership of the new government. We haven't even officially formed a political party yet, hahaha..."
Charles saw the somber atmosphere and made another joke. However, the others didn't find it funny, and only Charles let out a hearty laugh.
"Mr. Godfrey, although I have always been reluctant to join any party, I must admit that your sincere invitation has indeed moved me, and I genuinely feel like joining a party.
However, in order to join the party that is most suitable for me, I still need to thoroughly ask about your political ideals!" Madison finally softened.
It's unclear whether he was truly moved by Charles' sincerity or attracted by the political chips Charles offered. In any case, the meaning in his words was now very clear: as long as your faction's political ideals do not conflict with mine, then we can be people of the same faction.
"Hahaha! Good, of course, no problem, Mr. Madison, I believe our political stance should be very consistent with the political ideals you have always upheld." Charles guaranteed with a smile.
This should actually be just a formality. At this time, party opposition was not yet severe, and everyone's political ideals were quite similar, so how could there be major differences?
Charles, Morris, Wilson, and others took turns exchanging views with Madison on political ideals, the future government structure, and even the positions everyone should take directly in the Constitutional Convention.
Because it was not a strictly organized political party, although everyone was in the same faction, their actual ideals had slight differences.
And Madison did not surprise Charles; his questions were mainly a formality, and he quickly expressed his acceptance of the financial interest faction's ideals.
He even expressed great approval for Charles' proposed position in the Constitutional Convention, which balanced democratic and republican principles, adopting a bicameral system with one chamber based on republican principles and the other on democratic principles.
This, however, was quite unexpected for Morris and the others.
"Mr. Madison, this is clearly a compromise proposal made out of necessity, neither a pure democracy nor a pure republic. Do you think such a system is actually the best?" Morris almost suspected that Madison was flattering Charles.
Wilson, beside him, also looked at Madison with a puzzled expression. They all felt that Charles' democratic republic was a compromise made out of necessity. Although they didn't oppose it, they would definitely not agree with it as much as Madison did.
"Haha! Your Excellency Morris, Your Excellency Wilson, I don't think that pure democracy or pure republicanism is the best. The principle I have always believed in is that only checks and balances are the best.
Mr. Godfrey's bicameral system is precisely a check and balance between democracy and republicanism, so I naturally agree with it to the greatest extent!" Madison said with a smile.
Then he turned to Charles and promised:
"Mr. Godfrey, if you had told me about this vision for the future Congress earlier, I would have immediately followed you and joined your faction. But it's not too late now, Your Excellency Charles Godfrey, I am deeply honored by your invitation to join the financial interest faction.
From now on, as a member of the faction, I will respectfully follow your leadership and serve the interests of the entire faction."
"Good! Good!" Charles praised twice, tightly grasping Madison's hand. "From now on, we are people of the same faction!"
Finally, a future President was secured, although his sudden change at the last minute made him feel very uncomfortable.
If it were in ancient times, he might have said, "Truly my Zi Fang!" However, at this moment, Charles certainly wouldn't be so naive.
This Madison had only just joined the faction. If one day there was a conflict with the faction's ideals or interests, he might just turn around and leave, not godfearing for a minute with his "lord."
The successful persuasion of Madison to join his faction greatly boosted Charles' confidence.
Thinking of another young lieutenant colonel commander, Monroe, who had joined Jefferson's Democratic-Republican Party, Charles couldn't help but have an idea again.
This Madison can already bring great benefits to the faction, but he himself already has very clear political ideals and goals.
However, young people like Monroe, whose political ideals and goals are still in the formative stage, if he could be poached and cultivated by himself, like Hamilton, he could completely raise a brand new future President.
With his guidance, it is even reasonable that they could achieve greater accomplishments than they did in history.
A faction led by one person, yet producing three or four Presidents; in future historical records, he might be called something like "no commoners in my family, many Presidents under my gate."
Moreover, taking Monroe under his wing is not unfeasible. Monroe is currently only a young lieutenant, and in a party like the Democratic-Republican Party, which is primarily composed of literati and senior politicians, it would be difficult for him to immediately rise to prominence.
Although Jefferson appreciates Monroe, he could never see his potential to become a future President as Charles can. Charles can completely leverage Monroe's temporary lack of success in the Democratic-Republican Party and recruit him.
How to teach him and guide him then would be entirely his own business.