At that time, Atlanta, the capital of Georgia, still primarily relied on single-crop economies like cotton and tobacco. The sugarcane industry, which would later become a major economic force, had not yet begun. The city was more like an agricultural trading hub—chaotic, backward, and small in scale.
When Charles met the prominent figures in Atlanta, some of them couldn't even afford new clothes due to the British embargo. They had to wear old formal attire from years past to attend the welcome banquet.
Industrial and commercial economies primarily thrive in cities, while agricultural and pastoral economies are centered in rural areas. This is one of the main distinctions between the two economic forms.
No matter how wealthy the people of Virginia and Georgia were, their riches were mainly tied up in their plantations and homes; urban prosperity did not extend beyond the city limits.
Even after enduring the ravages of war, Philadelphia could quickly recover as long as there were numerous prosperous towns and villages around it. These towns, if undamaged, could immediately restore Philadelphia's vitality, as they all served as branch bases for the city's industrial and commercial enterprises.
For a city like Atlanta, which thrived on agriculture, restoring prosperity was actually quite simple: large orders. As long as their crops could be sold at a reasonable price when they came out next year, they too could quickly recover.
Since signing numerous contracts for the sale of machine-woven cotton cloth with several European countries, Charles had already planned to continue expanding Pittsburgh's cotton textile industry. He also intended to establish textile factories in Philadelphia, partly to utilize the abundant local population and partly for ease of transport. This would allow direct shipment to Europe via sea without needing to transfer goods from canal steamboats.
However, after the second phase of the textile factory project began, the locally produced cotton near Pittsburgh and the United States was no longer sufficient to supply the cotton mills. External procurement now had to be increased. Georgia and the other three southern states were among the highest and best cotton-producing states in America.
Comparatively, Virginia still produced more tobacco than cotton, while Georgia primarily focused on cotton. Upon arriving in Georgia, the true home of cotton, it was natural to place a large number of orders.
To win over the Georgians, Charles also promised that Pittsburgh Bank could provide loans to the impending bankrupt cotton plantation owners, allowing them to resume production and repay the loans with the cotton produced the following year. This initiative immediately garnered strong support from the Georgians.
Charles' several significant orders and loans immediately received unanimous endorsement from all strata of Georgia society. The governor of Georgia personally presided over the welcome ceremony for Charles.
Among Charles' entourage were the Continental Congress Representatives from Georgia: Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, and George Walton. Also present as welcome representatives in Atlanta were William Few and Abraham Baldwin, along with Archibald Bulloch, the governor of Georgia, and others.
Although these individuals did not achieve particularly outstanding prominence in American history, at this time, they were already the most influential figures in Georgia. It could be said that if a decision concerning the fate of Georgia was made by these five people, there would fundamentally be no major opposition.
"Gentlemen! Let us toast to the esteemed Councilor Charles Godfrey's presence in Atlanta!" At the welcome banquet, Archibald Bulloch, Georgia's first governor and a Continental Congress Representative, delivered the toast.
"To the impending victory of our war of Independence!" Charles responded modestly.
The entire hall echoed with shouts of "Cheers!"
After drinking the not-particularly-high-grade whiskey in his glass, Charles immediately moved among the guests at the dinner.
While promoting the interests of his financial faction, he subtly hinted at others joining it, and immediately achieved much better results than in Virginia.
William Few, a powerful political figure in Atlanta, was the first to express his willingness to join Charles' financial interest group. This individual, who already wielded immense influence in Georgia, possessed strong political ambitions and a keen eye. He desperately needed strong external support to secure an opportunity for a higher position in Georgia.
However, apart from Feilloux, the other prominent figures were politically mature and unwilling to overly align with this young man, Charles.
Charles lobbied for a while, and although he reaped considerable rewards, he didn't land any more 'big fish.' Charles then gave up on courting the 'small fish' and began to consolidate his gains, asking William Few, who had remained in Atlanta:
"Mr. Feilloux, have there been any anomalies recently in Florida? Last time, Spain demanded several small towns in Georgia from the Continental Congress. Have they made any excessive moves here?"
In Philadelphia, Jefferson, as the American representative, and the Spanish Ambassador, negotiated a territorial dispute over several small towns in Georgia. Although the towns were ultimately ceded to the United States through French mediation, Charles was still concerned about any covert Spanish actions. This was primarily for his investments in Georgia, but also because, as the chairman of the Military and Ordnance Committee, he had to be concerned about the border situation.
"Your Excellency, the border has been a bit calmer recently, though the situation was indeed very tense a while ago. Revolutionaries within Florida demanded our support for their independence, while Spain's colonial army remained stationed at the border, preventing our Georgia militia and guerrillas from moving north to fight the Hessian army, and even giving the Hessian army an easy opportunity to advance north to Richmond," Feilloux reported truthfully.
Although Charles had no direct authority over Georgia's affairs, as the largest cotton purchaser in Georgia at the moment, Feilloux fully understood his concern for the region's safety.
"It's good as long as they are calm. Georgia has just emerged from the war and finally welcomed peace, so it really shouldn't get involved in too many other matters. Even if the Floridians want to participate in the independence of the United States, it must be at an appropriate time and under an official name," Charles said with a thoughtful tone.
"Of course, of course, we understand this very well. We have not agreed to any demands from the Florida revolutionaries for now. If Georgia doesn't get entangled in Florida's affairs, it will surely be able to resume production quickly. We merely agree to support them morally!" Feilloux returned a knowing smile.
Whether it was the United States or Georgia, there was great covetousness for neighboring Florida.
However, at present, their strength was indeed insufficient, and their own losses were extensive, so they would have to wait.
Charles quite appreciated Feilloux's political philosophy.
—
"Your Excellency Feilloux, what do you think of those people in Florida? Is it possible for them to succeed in the short term? If we don't support them now, will it incur their hostility?"
"Please rest assured, Your Excellency. The composition of those Florida revolutionaries is very chaotic. There are Spanish descendants, French descendants, and of course, British descendants. Their demands for independence are all different. Some advocate responding to the United States, becoming a part of the United States, and jointly overthrowing all European colonizers; others advocate complete independence and nation-building; and some even advocate joining France after independence. Their internal opinions are not unified, so they fundamentally cannot stir up trouble in Florida. In fact, if the United States' independence revolution had not succeeded, I believe Spain's colonial governor would not even pay attention to these revolutionaries who only incite verbally and take no actual action. Their only reliance is our support," Feilloux said very easily.
Compared to the information Jefferson learned through diplomatic channels, Feilloux, who had remained in Atlanta, understood the situation in Florida much more clearly.
After hearing his words, Charles visibly breathed a sigh of relief.
Florida was a rubber plantation experimental base that he would greatly need in the future. It was also where the United States' interests lay to the south, and it would eventually be annexed. Now, if they could train good relations with that region, they absolutely should, but they must never let themselves be drawn into a new war because of Florida.
Charles and Feilloux's conversation was not held in front of everyone. Since Feilloux had already expressed his intention to join the financial faction, Charles was not worried about certain content being leaked, so he simply discussed some more confidential matters in depth.
"Actually, we can appropriately sell some weapons to those revolutionaries in Florida through underground channels. My military factory in Pittsburgh plans to promote weapons to the guard teams and militias of various states this time. governor Bulloch has already agreed to order three thousand rifles. I can discreetly bring some extra when shipping them here and secretly sell them to them, fostering pro-American forces among the Florida revolutionaries. That would be of great help to our future development of relations with Florida, and even to directly annexing her."
Such actions were clandestine, but Feilloux clearly supported them.
"If Your Excellency permits, I can be responsible for contacting those people in Florida. What they want most now are weapons; only weapons can truly set them on the path of confrontation," Feilloux said somewhat eagerly.
Compared to Charles, who was far away in Philadelphia, Feilloux could gain more support by simply fostering good relations with those Florida revolutionaries nearby. The colonists of Florida and Georgia had very close ties, and if he gained Florida's support, it would certainly be of great help to him in obtaining the governorship he currently coveted.
However, this sir had only just joined the financial interest group, and Charles also did not want to foster an overly powerful figure in the South, so he pondered for a moment, did not immediately agree, and instead said:
"There's no rush with the weapons. However, in another year, Georgia's new gubernatorial election will begin. Your Excellency Feilloux, how are your preparations going?"
"Uh, this…" Feilloux mused for a moment, "Currently, governor Bulloch still holds the advantage in public opinion in Georgia, after all, he led the people of Georgia to win the war against the British."
"Hmph! What does winning a war count for!" Charles said disdainfully.
old Bush won the Iraq war, and he still lost the presidency. Besides, how could the credit for winning the war against the British be attributed to governor Bulloch?
"Your Excellency, you are a member of our faction and will be a member of the party we are about to establish. For your election in Georgia, we will help you with the full strength of our faction."
"Thank you! Councilor Godfrey, if I can get support from Philadelphia, I will definitely gain a lot of prestige and be able to compete with Bulloch," Feilloux said with a beaming smile.
"Your Excellency Feilloux, I think your campaign philosophy is very problematic. Even when electing a president, prestige is not the most important factor. Bulloch led the Georgians to defeat the British army, but his role in the war was not decisive. Not only was the increase in his prestige limited, but some people might even feel that Bulloch stole their credit and secretly undermine him. Moreover, during wartime, people need prestigious individuals to lead them in battle; in peacetime, however, people need capable individuals to lead them in construction. Therefore, in this election, prestige is not a decisive factor," Charles warned Feilloux.
Feilloux frowned, unable to immediately grasp Charles' meaning.
"If that's not understandable, to give an example: if you can find a way to help a plantation owners with unsellable produce, he will definitely support you politically!" Charles offered an analogy.
Feilloux, of course, understood now, but he was still a bit hesitant to accept Charles' theory.
"However, judging from previous election formats, ordinary property owners are generally more willing to trust people with high prestige. Whether electing a governor or a Councilor, everyone prioritizes the candidate's public standing. Although plantation owners are the main voters in Georgia, some people have tried to win them over. But ordinary property owners are far more numerous, and they value the candidate's prestige the most."
"That depends on your methods, Your Excellency Feilloux. You can first solve some problems, give some people benefits, and then make some verbal promises, and naturally, you might gain their support. If governor Bulloch still relies on prestige to win the election, he will surely fail. Moreover, if you only consider prestige, you will never be able to surpass Bulloch, so you must use other means to defeat Bulloch," Charles reminded him again.
Feilloux nodded helplessly. Faced with a disadvantage in traditional campaign methods, he could only rely on unconventional tactics to win.