Not every colonist in the United States is as concerned with revolutionary ideals and allied sentiments as Jefferson and his peers. Many of them care more about their own practical benefits.
The last time the French fleet saw British warships, it turned and fled to the West Indies, which also left a very bad impression on many upright people.
Now that we have captured Cornwallis, letting them share the benefits is something most Americans would definitely not want to see.
Charles' biggest fear now is that France, for its own benefit, might object to peace talks from an ally's standpoint, causing the American-British war to continue, which would certainly be detrimental to his own industrial development.
Therefore, appropriately provoking the delegates' nerves is also preparation for a potential falling out in the future. Everything is for Charles' own benefit; he personally has no special feelings for the American-French stance.
A prolonged war is truly tiresome. Charles feels that these days, his only task has been sitting in the office, constantly dealing with army logistics, troop movements, and arrangements for the wounded.
He hasn't had a chance to live his own life, or even just have a quiet day. This doesn't align with his ideal of manipulating others from behind the scenes, so from a personal perspective, he no longer wishes for the war to continue.
As for the common people, the entire economic and social life of America has been devastated by the war. Southern plantation owners have gone bankrupt after their crops and raw materials piled up for years, unable to be sold.
Northern industrialists and merchants, due to social unrest, could not sell their products and their factories could not operate, leading directly to unemployment and bankruptcy.
It can be said that as long as there is an opportunity for a truce, both commoners and high-ranking officials are willing to stop the war immediately.
Now that the war in the South has ended, and victory in the North is not far off, Charles feels he can finally breathe a slight sigh of relief. However, the political infighting and national games have just begun.
Charles doesn't like to confront people in the open, but his current status and position make it impossible for him not to participate in these matters. So, the provocative words he uttered immediately came back to haunt him.
"Yes, the French army hasn't done anything in our war of Independence yet."
"The naval fleet sent last time immediately fled to the West Indies as soon as they saw the British fleet appear. As for the army, not a single soldier has been seen yet.
Such an ally indeed has not fulfilled its responsibilities and should not enjoy equal rights with us."
"Councilor Charles, Councilor Jefferson, what do you think we should do about those Frenchmen?"
Everyone debated animatedly, and by the end, some even became emotional, speaking disrespectfully of their allies, calling them "Frenchmen."
Charles could only smile wryly at such irrational and unbeneficial behavior.
"Gentlemen, France is a great power, a strong nation. When we negotiate with Britain, it is best to have a European great power present.
However, we cannot be too concerned about France's attitude and be timid during negotiations. We must prioritize our own interests and maintain a firm stance," Charles said tactfully.
Jefferson looked at the radical statements of the activists with great concern. Fortunately, Charles had spoken relatively calmly, so he quickly stepped in to defend the French:
"Gentlemen, France is still our ally. We cannot only expect her to play a military role. In fact, it was the French economic aid that allowed us to build our own fleet.
It was the French who spoke for us politically, forcing Britain to abide by normal international rules. Our newborn United States should not immediately forget the friends who helped us, especially since we still need France as a friend!"
These words, based on facts and reason, naturally left the delegates speechless.
However, the seed of self-interest provoked by Charles had already been sown. The next time these people see a conflict of interest with the French, they will firmly stand on their own side and will not tolerate it.
A conclusion was quickly reached regarding how to deal with Cornwallis, but the discussion on negotiations ended without a result.
After most people had dispersed, Charles and Jefferson remained.
Hancock confidently took out his large pipe, packed it with the finest North Carolina tobacco, and slowly took a puff after lighting it. With fewer people in the office now, and all of them close associates, there was no need to be so reserved.
"Charles, Thomas, do you have anything else?" Hancock first looked at Charles, then at Jefferson.
"Yes! I wanted to let you know that I've ordered the warships in Philadelphia to prepare. As soon as the French fleet appears, they are to head north to New York and rendezvous with the warships there to form a formal fleet," Charles said with a smile.
"Oh, have you received news of the British fleet? There were rumors last time that they appeared off the coast of New York again. We can't just walk into a trap, can we?" Hancock was greatly surprised.
"Indeed! The British fleet came to Philadelphia before, and because they saw our strong defenses, they left without attacking. If we don't have news of them, we can't send our warships out. We've all seen the strength of the British fleet," Jefferson interjected.
Due to the preciousness of the fleet, many people are often unwilling to risk sending their warships out of port to fight. The Beiyang Fleet during the First Sino-Japanese war and the High Seas Fleet during World war I both saw their commanders reluctant to engage a powerful enemy to preserve their own fleets.
Historical experience shows that if an army sees a powerful enemy and does not fight, it is absolutely the same as not having an army at all, and the ultimate outcome is almost predictable.
Charles neither wanted to blindly send his weak fleet to challenge the powerful British fleet, nor was he willing to let them just play around like children near the river mouth. As long as there was an opportunity, they had to go out.
"Haha! Don't worry, although I can't get news of the British fleet, once the French fleet appears in Philadelphia, we will certainly see the British fleet appear.
At that time, it will be the best opportunity for our fleet to head north to New York and rendezvous," Charles said.
This matter depends on the French fleet. If they don't appear, then he can only have the fleet train more days in the river mouth. Only when they form an initial combat capability can they truly set sail.
But if the French fleet appears now, it will definitely attract an attack from the British fleet, and the fleet should seize this opportunity to quickly rendezvous.
At the same time, Charles also guessed that the French fleet had been in the West Indies for over half a year. They must have contacted France to send a stronger fleet.
Given Louis XVI's historical actions, he would definitely send a fleet stronger than the British, and then defeat the British with superior forces. However, the current timeline is different from history, and he doesn't know if Louis XVI will still act as he did originally.
Charles only mentioned this to Hancock and the others as a courtesy, without intending to discuss it.
However, Jefferson brought up the topic of why he stayed, which made Charles and Hancock frown.
"I received a report from the Spanish that there are many people in the Spanish-controlled Florida Colonies preparing to follow our example and wage a war of Independence.
Now, the Spanish colonial government in Florida has demanded that we do not take any action to help those people, and we must immediately inform them of any news we have about the revolutionaries."
Jefferson paused, seeing that both Hancock and Charles had stern, displeased expressions but showed no intention of speaking. He had no choice but to continue:
"But I also received a plea for help from the Florida revolutionaries, hoping that we, as fellow colonists suffering oppression from European powers, could contribute a little to our common cause of independence and help them.
Specifically, they requested weapons and money, and ideally, soldiers. What do you think?"
Charles smiled wryly and stated his bottom line directly:
"We ourselves are short of money and soldiers; how can we possibly support them for free? If they want weapons, yes, tell them to pay for them. Anything else, we definitely cannot agree to."
"Even selling weapons would provoke protests from the Spanish. We are still at war with Britain, and if we let the Spanish join in, it would definitely be a losing situation," Hancock said with difficulty.
"Then we can just ignore them. Anyway, the Floridians might not bring us much benefit after independence," Charles said with a smile.
"No! No! They are also pitiful people; refusing them directly would be too heartless," Hancock awkwardly waved his hand, taking his pipe away.
Revolutionaries like him and Jefferson generally consider revolutionary morality and understand the suffering of colonists oppressed by their mother countries. However, they are also leaders who must consider their responsibilities, knowing that at this time, sympathy cannot override their sense of duty. This is a very contradictory mindset.
"Alas! In fact, merely donating a little money, perhaps the Spanish wouldn't say anything, but if we give them weapons, that would definitely infuriate the Spanish government and directly harm us," Jefferson was also very conflicted.
As a leader of the democratic faction, he had a strong sense of responsibility for any cause against autocracy and oppression. But this matter in Florida involved the future of his own country, so he had to consider it carefully, even if it meant going against his personal principles.
"Hahaha!" Charles burst out laughing.
Charles wasn't clear on how Florida was historically annexed by the United States. But the later fact was that Florida joined the United States, and he would never believe that the United States had no hand in instigating its independence.
Now, seeing several leaders discussing how it was difficult to provide aid, he found it somewhat amusing.
"Charles, this is truly a test of one's principles!" Jefferson said with an awkward laugh.
He thought Charles was mocking him for wavering on his personal principles for the sake of national principles.
"No, Thomas, I didn't mean to laugh at you. In fact, I just suddenly realized that our discussion here about whether to aid Florida is actually completely unnecessary.
Because once Florida's war of Independence breaks out, do you think the radicals in our United States will sit by and watch the Spanish suppress the independence movement?
At that time, even if we express support for the Spanish government, a large number of people will still go to support Florida's independence. Do you think our stance will still have any meaning to the Spanish government?
Perhaps to make the Spanish government believe us, we would have to help suppress Florida's independence, but I would definitely not participate in such a suppression," Charles quickly explained.
Hancock and Jefferson became even more troubled.
"You're right. No matter what, ever since our Thirteen American Colonies declared independence, we have stood in opposition to the feudal monarchs of Europe.
No matter what we do, it's impossible to truly win their trust. It's just that Spain is currently on the side of the countries helping us, so it's not good for us to immediately help her enemies," Hancock nodded, agreeing with Charles' statement.
"Actually, Spain and France never had much goodwill towards our independence. France is still our ally, but the Spanish government isn't even willing to officially ally with us. So, this talk of friendship still needs consideration.
Anyway, Florida's independence hasn't broken out yet, Thomas. I think you should use your influence among democratic revolutionaries to make those Florida separatists and revolutionaries delay the outbreak of the independence movement as much as possible.
It would be best to wait until our peace treaty with Britain is signed, and we are officially independent, before the Florida independence movement breaks out. At that time, we can, as a truly independent nation, express our stance to Spain and Florida," Charles suggested.
As long as those independents were willing to buy his weapons, he would certainly support their independence. It would be even better if, after independence, they could join the unified market of the United States, which would further align with his interests.
He didn't care about the Spanish government or the Portuguese government. For his own business interests, not only Florida, but also Louisiana, Mexico, Latin America, and South America, were all within the scope of his willingness to support.
At that time, revolutionaries like Thomas Paine would export revolution from the front, and he, the arms dealer, would export weapons from the back. After these countries achieved independence, the United States would gain political benefits, and he would gain economic benefits.
That would be the best example of cooperation between a nation and a businessman.
Hancock and Jefferson couldn't come up with a better idea. Regarding Florida, they could only choose to adopt Charles' suggestion: delay as much as possible until the United States' power was strong enough, then there would be nothing to worry about.