Ficool

Chapter 128 - Stalemate

The war was at a stalemate

Philadelphia was far from Richmond, and providing aid would take more than ten days or half a month; the British fleet had few soldiers, making it difficult to arrive easily. Thus, the standoff in Richmond was naturally prolonged.

However, during a standoff, one cannot go without food and drink, or without anything at all. After only a few days, both armies faced significant supply shortages. In reality, while it was called a standoff, the main characteristic was mutual sniping. The increasing number of wounded soldiers after a few days caused immense headaches for the two commanders caught in the middle.

The Hessian army and the American forces within Richmond fared slightly better, able to receive supplies from other directions. Cornwallis' forces and General Greene's forces, caught in the middle, found their attempts to resupply from outside constantly disrupted by the enemy, with only a small portion succeeding. Relatively speaking, General Greene, fighting on home ground, found it slightly easier to obtain supplies, but he had more soldiers than Cornwallis, so in actuality, the food and supplies each of his soldiers received were similar to those in Cornwallis' forces.

As the standoff continued, the combat effectiveness of both American-British sides weakened, and the number of wounded soldiers increased. If not for the two commanders' firm belief that reinforcements would surely arrive, and that fighting without reinforcements would be less advantageous than enduring starvation, they would likely have chosen to engage in a decisive battle before their combat capabilities completely vanished.

At this point, the role of reinforcements became increasingly apparent.

Against troops whose combat effectiveness had significantly decreased due to prolonged shortages of food and water during the standoff, one fresh soldier could almost contend with several. At this moment, whichever side's reinforcements arrived first, even if only one or two thousand men, would be enough to create an overwhelming advantage and quickly change the course of the war.

In April 1778, the Continental Congress in Philadelphia finally received reports on the battle situations in both the Northern and Southern States. However, both reports requested reinforcements from Philadelphia.

Washington requested reinforcements to join him in besieging Albany. After jointly defeating Benedict's forces, he aimed to completely liberate the Northern States of America, and even advance north into Canada. General Greene's request was relatively simpler, merely asking for rescue for his troops and Richmond.

However, due to differing stances and interests, the Continental Congress Representatives each expressed support for these two requests for aid. This was a cross-faction dispute.

Most of the Continental Congress Representatives from the Southern States naturally supported rescuing General Greene, while many from the Northern States believed General Washington should be aided.

This debate eventually reached Charles.

"Gentlemen, I understand your feelings. I have already instructed General Sullivan to prepare the troops in Philadelphia. They can depart tomorrow. Since the Continental Congress is discussing this, I hope you can reach a consensus as soon as possible, otherwise I will issue operational directives in the name of the Military and Ordnance Committee!" Charles addressed the Continental Congress Representatives with differing views.

This dispute was a rare one without factional alignment.

The main arguments arose among Continental Congress Representatives from different regions, especially those from the active war zones. Regardless of their faction, they were essentially speaking for the interests of their own state and locality. They were, after all, elected by their respective states. If they did not speak up when their state's interests most needed advocating, they would almost certainly not be re-elected as Continental Congress Representatives next time. Thus, everyone spoke freely about their state's war efforts.

"Councilor Charles! There is no doubt, General Washington is the Commander-in-Chief of the Continental army, and we should prioritize cooperating with him," Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts immediately stated.

"What does that have to do with being the Commander-in-Chief? If we don't send him troops, will he oppose our Continental Congress? Mr. Gerry, we should now consider who needs our troops the most. General Greene's tens of thousands of troops are trapped and desperately need our rescue, so of course, we should send troops to the Southern States first," Joseph Hewes of North Carolina loudly retorted.

"We don't think General Greene needs reinforcements more. Currently, Virginia alone accounts for half of the Continental army's strength, and the British army he faces is no more numerous than his. General Greene will surely be able to defeat the British army," the official Pierce of Connecticut spoke up for Northern interests.

"But General Greene is in urgent need of aid now! Richmond is in urgent need of aid! We cannot abandon our own city for the sake of conquering another!" Richard Henry Lee, a Continental Congress Representative from Virginia, finally couldn't hold back.

"Mr. Lee, don't forget Albany is also our own city! As for Richmond, there's nothing we can do. From Philadelphia to Richmond, if we were to march on foot, it would be unthinkable to get there in less than twenty or thirty days. Even if our reinforcements arrived then, could General Greene still hold out?" Robert Livingston of New York countered.

Richmond at least hadn't been occupied, while Albany and other major Northern towns had been invaded by the British army for nearly a year. If not for the Southern States' Continental Congress Representatives consistently holding the upper hand, the issues of the occupied Northern States should have been resolved long ago.

"Regardless, we should rescue the place that needs it most!"

Several Continental Congress Representatives from the Southern States stood up together, immediately overwhelming the Northern faction in terms of momentum.

Those individuals also didn't forget to give a look to Thomas Jefferson, the most outstanding Continental Congress Representative from the Southern States, signaling him to speak.

In truth, what these Continental Congress Representatives said had some merit, at least they could justify themselves. Such a debate actually had underlying reasons that couldn't be explicitly stated, otherwise, it would undermine the unity of the Continental Congress. Jefferson's choice to remain silent was due to such considerations.

However, since several Continental Congress Representatives from the Southern States had already signaled him, he naturally couldn't stay silent:

"I believe rescue should go to where it is most needed, but we also cannot ignore the distance from Philadelphia to Richmond. So, I suggest, Charles, can you gather as many horses as possible? Send as many men as you can to Richmond, and the remaining infantry should all go to support General Washington's operation to besiege Albany?"

Charles chuckled inwardly.

Jefferson was indeed cunning; sending infantry to rescue would indeed be too late, so it was better to be generous. As for Philadelphia, if it were just ordinary horses, plus a few, he could indeed gather two or three thousand in a short time, and the remaining infantry for Washington would be about the same. However, many horses were privately owned, and his Continental army would have some difficulty requisitioning them. Moreover, the most difficult part was, did these Continental Congress Representatives believe that Philadelphia, the "capital," no longer needed to be defended?

"Thomas, and gentlemen, I must state. Rescue is not a problem, but Philadelphia can only spare half its men, which is two thousand five hundred. This also happens to be the number of horses Philadelphia can muster. I believe using two thousand five hundred soldiers on horseback to advance quickly would be ideal for aiding either side. However, other troops must remain in Philadelphia. Perhaps you have all heard that New York Harbor was once attacked by the British Navy fleet. I think our Philadelphia will also face such a threat soon. At this time, I should prioritize ensuring the safety of Philadelphia and all of you present. Drawing out two thousand five hundred men for support is the maximum Philadelphia can do. So, what you can discuss is the direction of rescue based on two thousand five hundred soldiers!" Charles spread his hands helplessly to Jefferson.

At this, those Continental Congress Representatives from the Northern States were displeased.

Originally, they thought Jefferson's suggestion was good, dividing the support equally between the two sides. But now Charles said Philadelphia could only provide two thousand five hundred men. This number would likely match the available horses, meaning the Northern States wouldn't receive a single soldier's support.

"Mr. Jefferson, this won't do. In any case, the support received by the Northern States should not be less than Richmond's. Albany and several other cities have been occupied for so long, and all their people are awaiting our rescue. General Greene, as the Southern States' general commanding the most troops, should be able to save Richmond, so please consider our Northern States, which are completely occupied, first!" Gerry of Massachusetts first reasoned with, then appealed to Jefferson's emotions, trying to persuade him.

In fact, Jefferson was relatively soft-hearted. Under such persuasion, he was already somewhat wavering, feeling that even if the two thousand five hundred men were divided in half, it wouldn't be impossible.

However, Charles spoke again, interrupting his fantasy:

"Mr. Gerry, that probably still won't work. Military strategists most dread dividing forces. If these two thousand five hundred men were used together, they could create a significant advantage on any battlefield. But if divided again, a thousand-man unit, placed on a large battlefield with tens of thousands of men, would not play a decisive role and might only lead to our rescue force being needlessly trapped."

This almost forced both the Southern and Northern States to make a choice.

"Are you really unable to spare any more troops?" Jefferson looked at Charles with a touch of helplessness.

"I can't spare any more!" Charles shook his head with a wry smile. "However, I do have another force at my disposal, but it's not very useful for the army, and I didn't want to use them."

"Another force? What is it, and why wouldn't it be useful?" Jefferson asked eagerly.

"That would be our naval warships! The few ships in Philadelphia Harbor, after continuous construction, have officially been launched, and we are preparing to test them near the river mouth. The damned British Navy could appear at any time, and I don't dare let them conduct sea trials on the open ocean with confidence. It seems I must wait until I can quickly gather all the warships," Charles said regretfully.

"Naval warships?" Jefferson and the other Continental Congress Representatives all had expressions of being caught between laughter and tears.

Naval warships were difficult to build, and even more difficult to turn into an effective fighting force. Even with those experienced French and Spanish naval officers leading them, after the warships were built, it would still take at least several months to form basic combat capability. And for the two battlefields, let alone several months, even waiting a few more days was not an option.

Charles could understand everyone's feelings.

The war of Independence had indeed reached its peak, its most crucial stage. Both sides could only fight a war of attrition, a war of soldiers. It was a rare achievement to stand on the same level as the British army, and whoever could endure would win the final victory! Americans had fought for three years and were already tired of continued fighting; everyone wanted to seize this opportunity to decide the outcome once and for all.

Under such circumstances, the situation of having no troops to send was not at all unexpected.

"Alas! Actually, we are allies with France. It would be great if the French army could appear," President of the Continental Congress Hancock sighed.

Foreign aid? Charles' eyes lit up.

"Actually, we don't have no available troops?" Charles speculated.

"Oh? Charles, where else are there troops?" Jefferson and Hancock asked simultaneously.

"This... these are natives soldiers," Charles said hesitantly.

Seeing all the Continental Congress Representatives looking unconvinced, he immediately continued to explain:

"Although the vast majority of natives tribes have joined the British in their attacks against us, there are actually many tribes that have remained neutral or sided with us. However, due to the past wrongs natives committed against our compatriots, we simply haven't considered employing them. As is well known, natives are not united; many of their tribes have centuries-old feuds with each other, far greater than their animosity towards us. If we could persuade a few natives tribes to help us attack the British army, or at least attack the natives soldiers within the British army, that shouldn't be difficult."

At this, everyone fell silent.

Using natives was almost a taboo topic among the colonial elite.

If it hadn't been Charles speaking, if it hadn't been him, the "Iroquois Conqueror," but any minor figure, after saying such words, his political future, and even his very person, might have been ruined.

Because the hatred between natives and American colonists was simply too profound for the colonists. Bringing natives into colonial areas would likely immediately cause panic among the locals, and even those soldiers would be unwilling to fight alongside the Continental army. Not every place was like Pittsburgh, where natives could be treated as objects to be enslaved. More ordinary citizens felt fear and disgust towards natives.

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